*Where INEC Failed & Why Obiano Is Electoral Law Compliant
By SE Group 8 Rights Coalition
Anambra Voters’ Register & Related Issues: Where INEC Failed & Why Obiano Is Electoral Law Compliant
(A Joint Statement, Onitsha-Nigeria, 19th of October, 2013)- We, the leaderships of International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety), the National Secretariat of the Civil Liberties Organization, Center for Human Rights & Peace Advocacy, Human Rights Club of the LRRDC, Anambra State Branch, Society Watch (a membership project of Intersociety-Nigeria), the Anambra State Branch of the Civil Liberties Organization, Global Rights & Development International and Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA), known as Southeast Group 8 Rights Coalition, have resolved to speak on the underlined subject matter with a view to guiding the Anambra electorates and other Nigerians and putting the records straight.
Final Release Of Voters’ Register:
It is recalled that we had on 15th day of October, 2013, addressed a joint letter to the Resident Electoral Commissioner for Anambra State on its planned release of the final list of registered voters who will vote in the November 16, 2013 governorship election in the State; and need for the Electoral Residency to address before the release, a number of demographic anomalies complained of. On 16th of October, 2013, the Anambra Electoral Residency of INEC made public through the 23 participating political parties, the voters’ list as scheduled. The exercise was carried out through a press briefing in which the political parties were given soft copies of the revised and updated registered voters.
According to Section 20 of the Nigeria’s Electoral Act of 2010, the final list of registered voters is composed of the main voters’ register and supplementary voters’ list, which includes transferred voters’ list (for those who relocated from their previous polling areas). The Section directs the exercise to be carried 30 days before the date of an election. Section 34 of the Act also directs INEC to release or publish same day through online and offline full names and addresses of all candidates standing nominated. Anambra State is the 10th most populated State in Nigeria with the 2006 census of 4.18million people (the current population is estimated to be up to 6million). The State measures about 4, 416 square kilometers of landmass with 21 LGAs, 326 electoral wards and 4,608 polling units.
Where Anambra Electoral Residency Of INEC Failed:
Though, the Anambra Electoral Residency of INEC released the list as legally required, but the anomalies complained of, and sought to be addressed, have remained unaddressed. From the Electoral Residency’s accounts as released, the total number of registered voters in Anambra State tentatively rose to 2, 011, 746 in 2011 and decreased to 1, 711, 061 voters in July 2013. It increased again to 1, 784, 536 voters in October 2013. This simply means that only 73, 475 new voters were captured during the continuous voters’ registration and revalidation exercise that took place between 19th and 25th of August, 2013. The Electoral Residency further said that the 18-35 registered voting age bracket constitutes 52%; 36-59 25%; 51-69 18%; and 70 years and above 5%. According to the Commission, the total number of female registered voters in Anambra State is 900,701 or 52%, while the number of male registered voters is 883,000 or 49%. Ogbaru LGA has the highest voting population of 139, 000 registered voters. The number of double registrants in the Anambra Voters’ Register was put at 93, 354. In all, the total numbers of registered voters who will vote in the November 16, 2013 governorship poll is 1, 784, 536 (one million, seven hundred & eighty four thousand, five hundred & thirty six).
Other than the foregoing, the Anambra Electoral Residency of INEC did not disclose whether the 53 missing polling units in nine LGAs of Awka South (34), Ayamelum (1), Anambra East (2), Ihiala (2), Idemmili North (1), Nnewi South (4), Nnewi North (5), etc, have been found and restored or not and the fate of the affected registered voters in the areas. The public did not know whether the 93, 354 double registrants have been deleted from the voters’ register. The number of dead and fictitious voters that were possibly deleted was not disclosed, so also the number of voters registered during the continuous registration and revalidation exercise and number transferred into the Transferred Voters’ List.
No information was given with respect to the alleged discovery of illegal polling centers in Ogbaru, Onitsha North and Oyi LGAs as well as those malicious citizens imported by criminal politicians from neighboring States during the continuous voters’ registration and revalidation exercise. Whether the “evil forest and shrine” bound polling units still exist or not was not disclosed. Information about issuance or otherwise of a certified true copy of voters’ register to the ANSIEC for the purpose of conducting the December 14, 2013 LGA poll was also not made available.
Why Obiano Is Electoral Law Compliant:
Our in-depth investigation into an allegation that the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance, Mr. William Obiano was involved in double registration as a registered voter in Nigeria clearly shows that he acted within the law. While double registration as a voter in Nigeria contravenes Section 12 (2) of the Electoral Act of 2010 with a fine on conviction of N100, 000 or one year imprisonment or both, unlawful possession of voters’ card, buying or offers to buy same or selling of it is a contravention of Section 23 of the Act and attracts on conviction two years imprisonment or a fine of N500, 000 or both. The exceptions to Section 12 (2) of the Act are clearly provided in Section 13 (1) (2) (3) & (4) of the said Electoral Act (of 2010). These exceptions can be clearly understood in the context of “Citizen’s Voters’ Card/Data Transfer”.
Section 13 (1) of the Electoral Act of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2010, states: “Any person who before an election is resident in another polling constituency other than the one in which he was registered may apply to the Resident Electoral Commissioner of the State where he is currently residing for his name to be entered on the Transferred Voters’ List of the constituency”. Section 13 (2): “An application under subsection 1 shall be accompanied by the applicant’s voters’ card and shall be made not less than 30 days before the date of an election in the constituency where the applicant is now resident”. Section 13 (3): “The REC to whom an application is made under this provision shall cause to be entered the applicant’s name in the Transferred Voters’ List if he is satisfied that the applicant is a resident in a polling center in the constituency and is registered in another constituency (former)”.
Section 13 (4): “ Whenever an Electoral Officer (EO) on the direction of REC enters the name of any person (applicant) on the Transferred Voters’ List for his constituency, he shall: (a) assign that person to a polling unit area in his constituency and indicate in the list the polling unit to which that person (applicant) is assigned; (b) issue the person with a new voters’ card and retrieve his voters’ card (former); and (c) send a copy of the entry to the Electoral Officer of the constituency where the person whose name has been so entered was originally registered and upon receipt of his entry, that Electoral Officer shall delete the name(data) from his voters’ list”.
The allegation as made is totally false and lacks fundamental ingredients of truism. While it is necessary to put those aspiring to occupy public leadership positions through elective or appointive processes on their toes so as to ensure the emergence of people with upright and charismatic characters, such activities must be rested in the universally acceptable processes especially in matters of journalistic investigation and reporting. Such must be devoid of political witch-hunting, ill conception and motivation. Nigerian journalists, who are part of the mass media recognized by Sections 22 and 39 of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999, as amended in 2011 must not endanger the sanctities of the two hallowed provisions. They must also stay away from “konja journalism”.
The sighting of “double registration or data” of a citizen on the INEC’s physical or soft data warehouse without an investigation to ascertain the circumstances of its double entry and existence, amounts to “trial by ordeal”, which has no place in Nigeria’s justice and human rights system. For instance, in 2009, prior to the 2010 governorship poll in Anambra State, the leadership of Intersociety in Nigeria, went to Dr. Chris Ngige’s campaign office in Awka and found that the data including picture of late Chief Gani Fawihinmi, SAN, who voted in Lagos in previous elections such as 2007 polls, was included in the list of registered voters in an Ekwulummili Ward in Nnewi South LGA of Anambra State. Further investigation showed that INEC was solely responsible for such anomaly.
In Mr. Willy Obiano’s case, for him to vote in the November 16 important governorship election in which he is a contestant, he must bear a voters’ card issued him in Anambra State and not that of Lagos State, which is not a party to Anambra governorship poll. His lawyers put INEC on notice on his behalf and exhausted all the processes attached as contained in Section 13 of the 2010 Electoral Act. The job of deleting his previous data in Lagos lies between the two concerned Electoral Officers in Anambra and Lagos States. The EO in Anambra State ought to transmit the information to his Lagos counterpart to facilitate the former’s deletion. The allegation of payment or offer of a bribe of N500m to an Anambra INEC official so as to delete Mr. Obiano’s data is an act of impossibility and a clear case of further injurious falsehood. This is because deleting such data from Anambra angle means that Mr. Obiano has incapacitated himself and cannot vote in the said election he is a contestant.
We reiterate our call on the Anambra State Electoral Residency of INEC headed by Professor Chukwuemeka Onukogu to offer satisfactory explanations to the People of Anambra State and Southeast Nigeria with respect to anomalies complained above. The Electoral Residency is also called upon to be alive to its administrative duties at all times permitted by law. Capturing only 73, 475 voters in the continuous voters’ registration exercise out of teeming eligible but unregistered voters in Anambra State is an example of administrative incompetence. Mr. Willy Obiano’s “double registration” allegation, though false and empty, is also part of it, so also the case of “missing 53 polling units”. Politicians including those controlled by “the Center of Excellence” are advised to stay away from “konja politics” and learn a lesson from the 2012 Ondo “electoral humiliation”. Issue-based politics wins hearts, while mechanical or “konja” politics poisons minds. Journalists in Nigeria must also be alive to their journalistic duties at all times. This includes searching for and arming themselves at all times with relevant materials such as copies of the Electoral Act of 2010, which can be sourced both online and offline. Those who reported the unfounded allegation of Mr. Obiano’s double registration are “electoral illiterates”.
For: Southeast Group 8 Rights Coalition:
1. Emeka Umeagbalasi: International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law
2. Ibuchukwu Ezike: Executive Director, Civil Liberties Organization, Nigeria
3. Rufus Duru: Global Rights & Development International
4. Justus Uche Ijeoma: Society Watch (a membership project of Intersociety-Nigeria)
5. Emma Onwubiko: Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria
6. Aloysius Emeka Attah: Civil Liberties Organization, Anambra State Branch
7. Peter Onyegiri: Center for Human Rights & Peace Advocacy
8. Samuel Njoku: Human Rights Club of LRRDC, Anambra State Branch
Photo Above: Willie Maduabuchi Obiano
*Tags: Nigerians, Intersociety, Council, Police, Service, Commission. Sack, Ringim, Africa, Masterweb
*Igbo Deportation: Fashola’s Apology Ill-Conceived Says SE Group and Rights Coalition
Internal Deportation Of Igbo-Nigerians: Fashola’s Apology Ill-Conceived & Politically Motivated-Says Southeast Group 8 Rights Coalition
(Joint Public Statement, Onitsha Nigeria, 29th of September, 2013)-The Southeast Group 8 Rights Coalition, made up of the leaderships of International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law, Anambra State Branch of the Civil Liberties Organization, Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria, Center for Human Rights & Peace Advocacy, Human Rights Club of LRRDC, Anambra State Branch, Humane Justice International, Society Watch (a membership project of Intersociety) and Global Rights & Development International, Owerri, Southeast Nigeria, wishes to reject in its entirety the September 26, 2013, “apology” tendered by the Governor Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State, Southwest Nigeria over his abominable deportation of 72 Igbo-Lagosians from Lagos to the Upper Iweka area of Onitsha, Anambra State, Southeast Nigeria. The punishable act took place on July 24, 2013 at about 3: am or the hours of the blue law (a period prohibited by nature for conduct of official government affairs or transaction of its official business).
It is recalled that seventy-two (72) Nigerians of Southeast Igbo extraction resident in various parts of Lagos State were rounded up between December 2012 and January 2013 at Lagos roads’ bus stops and its streets by the operatives of Kick Against Indiscipline working for Governor Fashola’s administration and detained illegally and solitarily without trial for over six months on the orders of the Governor, who is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (a supposedly law lord). They were held in an illegal detention premises located close to a border between Lagos and Ogun States.
In the evening of July 23, 2013, they were told to prepare to be taken back home in their Lagos residences and asked to put their names in a sheet of rough paper. Suddenly, four commuter buses with two truckload of anti riot police personnel stormed their illegal detention premises. The two trucks were marked “Rescue Operation” of the NPF, donated by LASG (Lagos State Government). They were commanded to enter the buses, after which, they found themselves under the Upper Iweka Flyover Bridge in Onitsha at about 3: am. By day break, 54 of them with undisclosed social identities had escaped, leaving behind 18, who looked hungry, tired, medically and psychologically challenged.
In the Nigerian legal system applicable to Lagos State, anti wandering, begging and public nuisance offences are usually treated as statutory and strict liability offences (usually no mens rea and witnesses are required during summary court prosecution). In other words, such offences usually receive summary court trials and lighter punishments like fines, rehabilitation and jail sentences for days, weeks and months. They share common boundaries with sanitary and traffic offences. The major safeguards for these categories of offences are the Fundamental Human Rights provisions in the Chapter Four of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999 as amended in 2011. This is to curb the excesses and harshness of the government in the use and prosecution of such offences. No Nigerian law permits any tier of government or State governor to detain citizens without proper court trial and conviction for months as Governor Fashola has magisterially and arbitrarily acted.
The illegal and unconstitutional internal deportation was greeted by a tray-pan of denials, falsehoods and blackmails by the Government of Lagos State, its ruling party-APC and hired agents including newspaper editors and columnists as well as sectional rights activists, online and audio-visual media. When the denials and falsehoods refused to swallow the abominable action, the Government of Lagos State came up with “14 re-unionized”, “not 72 deportees” theory and blackmailed the Government and People of Anambra State as a party to “re-unionization resettlement of 14 citizens in Onitsha”. The LASG went deeper in its falsehood by manufacturing and releasing names, towns and LGAs unknown to the Government of Anambra State, its traditional naming, LGA and community systems with a view to linking them to its manufactured 14 fictitious names. In the defense of the despicable action, the likes of Mr. Joe Igbokwe, further described Igbo-Lagosians as “419ers”, “kidnappers”, ”fraudsters” and “armed robbers”. The likes of Dr. Chris Ngige also defended the internal deportation by reportedly describing those deportees as “mad people”, “criminals” and “beggars”.
Following from these in addition to the November 16, 2013 crucial governorship poll in Anambra State as well as threats the despicable action constitute to the State’s economic strength, Governor Babatunde Fashola influenced the Silver Jubilee anniversary of one “Aka Ikenga” Igbo socio-cultural group, which is clearly sympathetic to APC and its Anambra Governorship candidate for the November 16, 2013 governorship poll, Dr. Chris Ngige. The anniversary took place on Thursday, September 26, 2013, at the National Institute for International Affair, Victoria, Island, Lagos State.
The “Aka Ikenga”, which initially condemned the callous act later developed cold feet, possibly for political reasons, and published Dr. Chris Ngige’s version of the abominable act to the effect that “Lagos State Government dropped the citizens (deportees) at a government building at the Niger Bridgehead, Onitsha when the Government of Anambra State, which agreed with its Lagos State counterpart to receive the citizens at the border between Anambra and Delta States, was nowhere to be seen”. It is important to state that neither did any government building exist at Upper Iweka nor did Anambra State enter into an agreement with the Government of Lagos State to deport any Nigerian citizens. The deportees were dumped at Onitsha Upper Iweka, not Onitsha Niger Bridgehead.
It is our collective observation that the “Aka Ikenga Silver Jubilee Anniversary”, was deliberately put in place by the APC and its government in Lagos State to offer an ill-conceived and politically motivated apology over the abominable, criminal and unconstitutional deportation of innocent and harmless citizens of Nigerians. The apology is ill-conceived because it lacks rudiments of true apology. Any apology grounded on technicalities is not a genuine apology. True apology frowns at the use of words like “if” and “misunderstood”. Genuine apology must be total, remorseful, remedial and unreserved.
Also, Governor Fashola’s apology so called, is politically motivated because it is borne of desperation by his APC and its candidate to win by hook or crook the November 16, 2013 governorship poll in Anambra State of Nigeria. On the other hand, it is possible that Governor Fashola and his other APC bigwigs has a strong feeling that they have been declared “persona non grata”, by highly irritated mass brigades in the Southeast zone, which, if true, will threaten their participation in their party’s governorship campaign rallies fixed for their governorship candidate for the November 16 governorship poll. In other words, the sudden, infantile, politically motivated and ill-conceived apology is to clear a way for their participation and safety during the rallies.
Another reason for the so called apology may not be unconnected with the recent mass calls by some leading good governance and rights advocacy groups in the Southeast zone for Igbo-Nigerians including Igbo-Lagosians to decongest Lagos socioeconomic dominance in Nigeria, particularly as it concerns transnational movement of persons, goods and services using airports and seaports considered friendly, cheaper, convenient and less risky to them in Nigeria. The torrential heeding of such calls is steadily being observed from left, right and center especially in the South-south, Southeast and North-central parts of Nigeria. As a result of these, the newly commissioned Akanu Ibiam International Airport in Enugu, Southeast Nigeria, now hosts up to three major transport aircrafts in a week. This has drastically reduced the age-long passengers and goods and services’ patronage enjoyed by the Murtala Mohammed International Airport in Lagos State, Southwest Nigeria.
For instance, while it takes N17, 000 to clear a cargoed bag from the Murtala Mohammed International Airport (MMA) in Lagos and transport it to the Southeast Nigeria, it costs a total of N7, 000 to clear it from the Akanu Ibiam International Airport in Enugu and transport it to Onitsha-the commercial hub of the Southeast Nigeria. It takes up to six hours excluding excruciating Lagos traffic jams to get to Lagos and extra hotel bills to incur before travelling internationally through MMA, whereas in less than two hours without hotel bills, an international traveler is on board an international aircraft at the Akanu Ibiam International Airport in Enugu. We are also glad to observe that many business merchants from the Southeast Nigeria with their shipping companies are now diverting their goods and services to Port Harcourt wharfs instead of Lagos wharfs.
We commend Igbo-Nigerian business persons and international travelers for heeding these clarion calls by our sister bodies. We urge other major airline operators in the country and beyond her borders especially those flying Southeast Asia, Fareast, Gulf, Middle East and Europe to make maximum use of this wonderful business environment and relocate to the airport with potential milk and honey (Akanu Ibiam International Airport). There is need to teach the likes of Governor Babatunde Fashola and his political party the lesson of his life to serve as deterrents to others of his likes.
We consider it as further insult on the collective psyche of the Igbo-Nigerians including Igbo-Lagosians the disclosure by Governor Fashola that “Igbo-Nigerians donated the highest number of cows during his father’s recent funeral”. Apart from the Governor engaging in reckless abuse of animal rights by admitting to have accepted “high number of cows”, which must have turned the Alausa Government House in Ikeja into “a cow slaughter house”; it is very insulting to draw a conclusion to that effect that “highest number of cows” given and received from his few Igbo contractor-friends means that “Igbo-Nigerians are reckless cow givers and slaughters”. Igbo-Nigerians attach serious values to animal lives, rights and management. The late legal icon and rights sage, Chief Gani Fawehnmi, SAN, during his lifetime, turned down at several intervals the donation of animals, whether domestic or wild, to him during ceremonies.
While rejecting in its entirety the infantile, ill-conceived and politically motivated apology under reference, it is our collective insistence that a sincere apology and sorry must have attributes of long term remedy, clarity, precision, sincerity, genuineness and capability of the wrong or criminal policy not being repeated. The only substance in Governor Fashola’s so called apology is not the apology itself, but the fact that Governor Fashola, his party and cronies have revealed the truth and exposed themselves as liars of unimaginable proportions.
On the other hand, truth has prevailed over falsehood and we are totally vindicated! The so called apology also left unanswered the question of imposition of “Babaloja” on Igbo-Lagosians’ controlled Ladipo Market, the incessant burning of Igbo markets at night and their reclaiming by government in the daytime, various hash policies including excess taxes imposed on Igbo businesses, designed to cripple Igbo-Lagosians’ businesses, the management of “internal census figures” that gave Igbo-Lagosians 42%, which reportedly infuriated the Yorubas of Lagos State, and reportedly is the center of the ongoing “internal deportation policies”, etc.
Like our sister bodies have demanded, the Southeast Governors’ Forum and other key public office holders from the zone must not rest on their oars as it concerns revolutionary development of the zone. The zone needs direly a second Niger Bridge, reconstructed Onitsha-Enugu and Enugu-Port Harcourt Dual Carriage Ways, a standard sea port, a revamped modern railway system, a connecting bridge between Ndoni in Rivers State and Ogwu-ikpere in Ogbaru, Anambra State and adornment of the Akanu Ibiam International Airport with all modern international airport equipment and standards.
Signed On Behalf Of Southeast G8 Rights Coalition:
1. Emeka Umeagbalasi-08033601078, 08180103912
For: International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law
2. Comrade Aloysius Attah-08035090548
For: Civil Liberties Organization, Anambra State Branch
3. Comrade Samuel Njoku-08039444628
For: Human Rights Club of LRRDC, Anambra State Branch
4. Comrade Justus Uche Ijeoma-08037114869
For: Society Watch (a membership project of Intersociety, Nigeria)
5. Dr. Rufus Duru-08037513519
For: Global Rights & Development International
6. Comrade Emma Onwubiko-08033327672
For: Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria
7. Comrade Peter Onyegiri-07036892777
For: Center for Human Rights & Peace Advocacy
8. Comrade Ifeanyi Onuchukwu-08096940019
For: Humane Justice International
*Tags: Nigerians, Intersociety, Council, Police, Service, Commission. Sack, Ringim, Africa, Masterweb
*Download / Purchase All Hail Biafra (Cry of A Biafran Child) & Other Selected Songs By Composer
(1). iTunes at https://itunes.apple.com/us/album/all-hail-biafra-cry-biafran/id594341032?uo=4 .
(2). The entire CD or individual tracks can be purchased at amazon.com at http://www.amazon.com/All-Hail-Biafra-Biafran-Child/dp/B00B2WRI5K
(3). By searching Google for All Hail Biafra (Cry of A Biafran Child) for other stores selling the CD.
By sending $14.00 by mail to Charles O. Okereke, P.O. Box 11721, Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53211; and by Paypal to firstname.lastname@example.org
On January 12, 1970 at the tender age of 14 as Charles O. Okereke witnessed the end of Nigeria’s historic civil war, enduring firsthand, the horrors of armed conflict as a child, he composed the hymn friends refer to as ‘Cry of A Biafran Child’. The essence of the sale/distribution of this song is not for any political ideology or agenda, but to identify with the history, will and determination of the people on both sides of that historic war, who symbolized a struggle and whose sacrifice, established either positively or negatively what is the present day Nigeria. In the same vein, this launching aims to celebrate the rich values of freedom, liberty and justice which the founding fathers of the great Nation - United States of America have handed down to its citizens, through the struggles of many iconic men and women who have contributed to the civil, political, ideological and social evolution of America.
Okereke says he will never forget January 12, 1970, the day the Nigerian civil war ended, because there was intense and sustained shelling of Orlu and environ as millions of civilians and soldiers were holed up in the enclave. In his words: “Our entire family, my parents, myself and siblings were in the encirclement. Voice of Biafra only played Church hymns with intermittent announcement that there would be a "special announcement" at 2.00 pm as our world was heavily bombarded. We listened to the radio for the announcement as we lay face-down on the floor under cover. I will never forget General Effiong's voice coming in much later after 2.00 pm to broadcast the surrender announcement. Federal troops stopped shelling the enclave about seven minutes into Effiong's speech.” ( Continues below..... )
Photo Above: All Hail Biafra front sleeve (cover)
Click For Front & Back Cover (Sleeves) / Enlarged Photo
The CD insert has a complete history ( "All Hail Biafra Booklet Notes" ) of this song. The CD can be purchased by sending $14.00 by mail to Charles O. Okereke, P.O. Box 11721, Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53211; and by Paypal to email@example.com
ALL HAIL BIAFRA
All Hail Biafra was a song that came to my lips as a child (14 years old) in Okporo, Orlu on January 12, 1970, the second federal troops stopped shelling the last Biafran stronghold, about seven minutes after General Philip Effiong commenced his surrender speech on Voice of Biafra. There was peace and short-lived silence as the bombardment of the town ceased as most that took cover on the ground from fear of deafening artillery fire rose up in tears. Everybody around me was crying presumably because of the unquantifiable human suffering and bloodbath that resulted to nothing but an unconditional surrender. I was so moved, refrained from crying but in tears, repeatedly inspirationally sang "All Hail Biafra; Land of the rising sun, we love and cherish; We have vanquished our enemies; All Hail Biafra." Over the next few months, I sang the partial song in my dream until it came to me as a full two verse hymn (song). The third verse came to me later, still a child. The song became very popular over the years. It is all over on the Internet and different groups both in Nigeria and in the Diaspora sing the song on special occasions. Some even refer to it as the "Biafran National Anthem" or "New Biafran Anthem". The truth is that the composer and history of the song remained a mystery until recently.
My first public pronouncement of authorship of the song was at the colloquium on Ahiara Declaration, January 17, 2012, one of frontlines of activities commemorating the life of late Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. I sang All Hail Biafra at the end of my speech to a spellbound Igbo elite, some of whom asked me at the end of the event why sing of Biafra at such a sensitive occasion. I explained to them that there was nothing wrong with people singing nor talking about their history, which they agreed with. I also made it known to them that the song was my composition.
My acknowledgment of authorship of All Hail Biafra is to let people know its history. The song can simply be described as a child's cry for his people's wanton bloodshed and persecution in a world that did nothing to unimaginable human catastrophe. The hymn sooths the soul, heals the wounds and scars, and courageously drives away fears. Leaders will learn the lesson that a child witnessing human rights abuses might be writing or singing about them and one day the world may read or listen to music about the abuses. I would also have sung if the violence was meted out to any other group or tribe in Nigeria. The same thing would have been the case if it were animals that were being abused and killed. It is about humanism and love of God's creation. People must be accorded their fundamental human rights. Do not be afraid to demand or defend them. Power to the people!
More revelations would be made on "All Hail Biafra" in my forthcoming book on Biafra. These will include names of those that contributed to the success of the recording of the song in 2003 and disclosure on a 4th verse that was dropped because it was not part of the original composition.
Track no. 6 on this CD "Newstalk Symphony" is my recreation of the background music of Okoko Ndem's Newstalk on Voice of Biafra. Almost everybody I interviewed, with exception of two, said they could not recollect any music in the background of the newstalk. The tune whether an inspiration (just like All Hail Biafra) or reality, was in my lips over the years (just like All Hail Biafra) until its recreation and recording in 2003.
I will never forget January 12, 1970, the day the war ended, because there was intense and sustained shelling of Orlu and environ as millions of civilians and soldiers were holed up in the enclave. Our entire family, my parents, myself and siblings were in the encirclement. Voice of Biafra only played Church hymns with intermittent announcement that there would be a "special announcement" at 2.00 pm as our world was heavily bombarded. We listened to the radio for the announcement as we lay face-down on the floor under cover. I will never forget General Effiong's voice coming in much later after 2.00 pm to broadcast the surrender announcement. Federal troops stopped shelling the enclave about seven minutes into Effiong's speech.
This song is dedicated to the memory of three of my grandparents who lost their lives as a result of the Biafran war, and to all those who died in Biafra. Rest in peace.
May God grant us peace.
Charles O. Okereke
All Hail Biafra Lyrics
1. All hail Biafra
Land of the rising sun, we love and cherish
We have vanquished our enemies, all hail Biafra
God Bless Biafra, in Him we trust
Shout it sing it, all hail Biafra
2. God bless Biafra
We have emerged triumphant, from all our foes
Through the crucible unscathed, we passed victorious
Our trumpets pealing, the glorious song
Play it, sing it, all hail Biafra
3. Oh hail Biafra
We shall always remember, all that perished,
In the struggle for our freedom, all hail our heroes
Our prayers shall bemoan, both day and night
Say them always, all hail Biafra
*Bold and underlined words are refrain (repeated).
*Tags: Nigerians, Intersociety, Council, Police, Service, Commission. Sack, Ringim, Africa, Masterweb
*Governor Wammakko In The Eyes of Time And History
By Amiru Adamu
Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko’s journey into politics that took him to the government house sokoto has no doubt been a thorny and trying one. His will and commitment to serve the people of sokoto made him endure the trials and tribulations that he had to go through, though he had the chance to throwing in the towel and working away from the political arena. In politics generally the trouble with mischief makers and other self appointed morality gate keepers starts only when a politician is confirmed as a candidate or even elected into an office. These allegations wither away with time as the individuals are in most cases left alone to face the business of fulfilling the promises they made to the electorates. Wamakko’s political travails started in 2006. As the then deputy governor of sokoto during the administration of Attahiru Bafarawa,wamakko found himself surrounded by plotters who were determined to bring to an end his foreseen ascension to the number one seat in the state.
Malam Dahiru Maishanu, in an article titled: Between Bafarawa and Wamakko posted on Gamji dot com in 2006, described the union between Bafarawa and Wamakko in these words. “The union between Bafarawa and Wamakko was in the first place an unholy one, which at the beginning promised nobody any good. The political marriage was on paper looking rosy being a fusion together of the businessman in Bafarawa and the elite and administrator in Wamakko. But that was as far as that union could go. As soon as they settled for the business of governance, obvious cracks started to emerge between the two, which with time became so conspicuous that both could not be able to contain them. The inclusion of people outside government,notably Ummarun kwabo in the business of governance further compounded the problems, which were fundamentally on background and foresight. The problem shifted to loyalty and patronage.” ( Continues below..... )
Photo Above: Governor Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko of Sokoto State
The bafarawa and Wamakko union came to an end on Tuesday 07/03/2006, when Wamakko sent his resignation letter to the then governor Bafarawa. The letter brought to an abrupt end, the plot that would have led to the impeachment of the then deputy governor Wamakko. His resignation however did not douse the enmity between him and Bafarawa. It was to later result to Bafarawa’s unceremonious exit from the ANPP after a heated disagreement with the then National leadership of the party, because of their perceived support for Wamakko. After leaving the ANPP bafarawa and his followers formed the DPP, and adopted Alh. Maigari Dingyadi as its gubernatorial candidate. 2007 elections in sokoto state will go down in history as one of the most fiercely contested in the country. While Bafarawa tried to use the power of incumbency to his advantage,Wamakko’s popularity soared high because of his humility and demonstration of genuine will to transform to transform sokoto state. It is widely believed that Wamakko’s popularity was what prompted PDP,which had already nominated its candidate to court Wamakko and win him over to the party as its candidate,with mukthari shagari as his running mate. In April 2007,the people of sokoto state voted Wamakko into office. Maigari Dingyadi of the DPP rejected the result, and headed to the elections petitions tribunal to contest the result.
Alh. Maigari Dingyadi’s petition dragged on for a long time, some people are of the opinion that, though Wamakko’s administration performed, it would have done even better if the DPP had accepted the results in the interest of the development of sokoto state. The elections petitions tribunal finally annulled the 2007 elections and ordered a re-run election, which still produced Wamakko as the governor and was sworn in on 28th may 2008.
Politics is a game of numbers. The fact that Wamakko could not be defeated by votes was what made the opposition resort to challenging him in court based on technicalities. Many are of the opinion that DPP as a political party became unpopular in sokoto because of its refusal to accept defeat with honour, even after the re-run elections in 2008.
Though Wamakko had to cross political hurdles set by the opposition, one would have expected him to have the complete support of the PDP in the state. But Wamakko had to face internal hurdles set by the so called “old PDP”. The imaginary “old PDP” went all out to cause rift in the party. The group thought it had its chance, when PDP cancelled an earlier held primary election in the state, due to the postponement of governorship elections in Sokoto to 2012. They (old PDP) staged all sort of stunts to discredit Wamakko and deny him a ticket. Apart from propagating the notion that Senator Gada is the ASO ROCK anointed candidate, they wrote petitions upon petitions, accusing Wamakko of anti party activities and embezzlement of party funds among other charges. Despite the efforts by his detractors, Wamakko scaled through the screening and won the party’s nomination at the primaries held on 17 December 2011.
The imaginary group also got another chance to do what it does best on January 27, 2012, when the Supreme Court ordered Wamakko and four other governors to step aside. They came out in full force flashing propaganda stories, including the planted story that Wamakko would not contest. Their perceived victory however, was short lived, as PDP and INEC issued statements recognizing Wamakko as the gubernatorial candidate. The final nail to their coffin of mischief was nailed in, when Wamakko returned and was received by thousands of supporters at the airport.
Governor Wamakko’s 2nd term bid received a boost on 8th February 2012. When Alh. Ummarun Kwabo A.A, chairman of the Democratic people’s party (DPP), decamped to the PDP,along with thousands of DPP members. Ummarun kwabo was throughout the eight years reign of Bafarawa in sokoto, the most powerful political strategist of Bafarawa. There is no doubt, that his decampment to the PDP helped Wamakko’s 2nd term campaign. In a message to president Jonathan, during the PDP flag off campaign in sokoto,Ummarun Kwabo said “his decampment to PDP signifies the end of opposition in sokoto state”.
Alh. Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko emerged as the elected governor of sokoto state, in an election described as free and fair by INEC and other independent observers. As governor Wamakko continues his 2nd tenure in office, it is our hope that political detractors and other imaginary opposition groups will come and partner with the present administration, in the interest of peace and progress in sokoto state.
Governor wamakko’s administration has 2 remaining years ahead of it, to further transform the lives of the people of sokoto and consolidate the gains of democracy. What is for sure, is that governor Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko (sarkin yamman sokoto) will be remembered in the history of Nigerian politics, as someone who had to cross so many hurdles and wither many storms in his quest to serve his people.
Amiru Adamu is the publisher of Northern Wind Magazine.
*State of Anambra Schools - Photo News
By Citizen Reporters
Since Anambra State was created, there was no Governor that has committed 10% of the resources Gov. Obi is committing across sectors, including education.
The result is everywhere to be seen. Before him, our schools were all dilapidated. Through his intervention, massive rehabilitation had taken place in them - still ongoing. The level of rot is not what anybody can address just like that, but the Governor has done exceptional.
The attached picture of Lorreto Special Science School, Adazi- Nnukwu is a sample of what he is doing. The attachment contains the pictures of what the schools used to be and what they are now.
Let past Governments show us one school they rehabilitated. ( Continues below..... )
Dr. Ifeanyi Ubah, thinking that he can use the crooked means he used to dupe people and financial institutions of over 160 Billion Naira that has made AMCOM to take over his company and place his private jet on sale, commissioned some people to get pictures of the schools that have not been rehabilitated, which he is presently fooling himself by paying Millions of people’s money he seized being aired on the electronic media as if all Anambra Schools were like that.
Just recently, Obi paid N1.5 Billion to Churches for continued rehabilitation of schools returned to them and N2 Billion for Government schools.
Those close to Ifeanyi should advise him to stop such externalization of his inward traits - crookedness.
Have your say.
*Letter of Appeal To President Jonathan To Become Mikhail Gorbachev of Nigeria
By Dr. Moses Nwaigwe
Dr. Moses Nwaigwe
P.O. Box 270342
Corpus Christi, TX 7 8427
Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, President Of Nigeria
Aso Rock Villa
Central Business District, Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria.
RE: AN APPEAL TO BECOME THE MIKHAIL GORBACHEV OF NIGERIA
Dear President Jonathan,
It is no secret that you are a Nigerian president by accident. When former president Olusegun Obasanjo single handedly picked you to be the vice president under Umaru Yar'Adua, nobody knew that he would eventually die in office. After his death on May 5, 2010, the Nigerian National Assembly confirmed you as the next president in spite of the objection of a majority of the northerners. You were sworn in office on May 5, 2010, to complete the four year term that ended in 2011. Then you contested the election in20LL, won it and are now serving another turbulent term that will end in 2015. During that election in 20LL, we all know that the northerners killed lots of southerners, mostly lbos, after you were declared the winner. The likes of Adamu Ciroma and his northern brothers threatened to make the country ungovernable for you.
It is very unfortunate that the northerners believe that the office of the president is their birth right. They believe that anyone else who is not a northerner or Muslim is not qualified to be president. This is their own concept of "One Nigeria." They did not only make the threat, but carried it out by unleashing their secret army, Boko Haram, to make the country ungovernable for you. No president in the history of Nigeria has been given this kind of treatment. This is happening simply because they see you as coming from the wrong side of the country. lronically, they are criticizing your administration as the worst, knowing full well that they are the ones who have created a hostile environment by making the country ungovernable. There is no president anywhere in the world that can accomplish much given the same hostile environment created by the northerners beginning on day one of your administration. Let us examine the history of Nigerian presidency/heads of state:
1. Abubakar Tafawa Belewa--------Northerner--October 1960-January 1966-------5 years, 3 months in office
2. GeneralAguiyi lronsi---------Southerner----January 1956July 1956---------6 months in office
3. GeneralYakubu Gowon--------Northerner---August 1966July 1975-----------9 years in office
4. General Murtla Muhammed----Northerner--July 1975-February L976--- ----7 months in office
5. General Olusegun Obasanjo-----Southerner-February 1975-September 1979--3 years, 7 months in office
5. Shehu Shagari----- ---Northerner--October l979-December 1983----4 years, 2 months in office
7. General Muhammadu Buhari---Northerner--December 31, 1983-August 1985-1year, 8 months in office
8. General lbrahim Babangida-----Northerner--August 1985-August 1993------8 years in office
9. Ernest Shonekan(interim govt.)---Southerner-August 1993-November 1993-----3 months in office
10. General Sani Abacha Northerner---November L993-June 1998---------4 years, 7 months in office
11. GeneralAbdulsalamiAbubakar--Northerner--June 1998-May 1999-----------------11 months in office
12. Olusegun Obasanjo- Southerner--May 1999-May 2007--------------8 years in office
13. Umaru Yar'Adua---- -Northerner--May 2007-May 5, 2010-----------3 years in office
14. Dr. Goodluck Jonathan-------Southerner--May 6 ,2010-Date----------------3 years, 4 months in office
As you can see, only four (4) people from the list above are southerners and they have ruled the country for fifteen (15) years and one (1) month out of fifty-two (52) years and eleven (11) months. This means that the north has ruled Nigeria for thirty-seven (37) years and ten (10) months. lt is also sad to know that all the southerners that have managed to rule the country got there by accident, either after the death ol or from the stepping down of a northerner occupying the office. lronsi became head of state after the assassination of Belewa, and Obasanjo after Murtla Muhammed was assassinated. Ernest Shonekan became head of state after Babangida stepped down and Obasanjo became head of state again after Abubakar stepped down. Now we have you, President Jonathan after the death of Yar'Adua.
The northerners carried out their threat of making the country ungovernable for you. They have described you as weak and spineless. lt is time you show the world that you are not weak and spineless. lt is time you show the northerners that there will be no Nigeria for them to govern. lt is time that you do for Nigeria what Mikhail Gorbachev did for the Soviet Union. I am not a spokesman for professor Ben Nwabueze, but this is exactly what he was trying to tell you when he told you to reform Nigeria and be a hero. Nigeria is not a single nation, but a variety of nations amalgamated in 1914 by Lord Lugard for British economic interests. This amalgamation will expire in 2014 and SHOULD NEVER BE RENEWED. British economic interests MUST NEVER BE ALLOWED TO OVERRIDE THE LIBERTY AND THE DESIRE OF THE VARIOUS NATIONALITIES THAT MAKE UP NIGERIA. They are all tired of this forced marriage and want to go their separate ways.
Please, President Jonathan, use this opportunity of the expiration of this amalgamation and show the world that you are not weak and spineless. This is the right time for you to join the exclusive club of brave men like Mikhail Gorbachev of the former Soviet Union. This is the right time for you to let go of Nigeria and allow the nationalities that were forced together for British economic interests to go their separate ways and become independent nations. lt is now obvious to the whole world that this is the desire of the nationalities.
Boko Haram are fighting for the establishment of the Arewa lslamic Republic and they have the right of self determination as enshrined in the UN charter. As much as I hate the way they are going about it, by unleashing terror on innocent civilians, their Islamic republic is a certainty. The re-establisment of the Republic of Biafra is also unstoppable. The formation of the Oduduwa Republic is also coming. Some of these republics already have political structures all over the world and cannot be stopped by anyone. Please, do not go against the will of the people by trying to force them again to be one country just like Lord Lugard. Nigeria is already disintegrating, you just have to do the job that has been made easy for you by making it official and not allowing the renewal of the Amalgamation of 1914. Then there will be no doubt in anybody's mind that you are not weak and spineless.
The truth is bitter and most people do not like hearing it, but I must tell you nothing but the truth. The Nigerian army cannot defeat Boko Haram. Nobody can defeat an ideology, and that is what Boko Haram represents. You can kill as many people as possible, but they will regroup and keep fighting until the Arewa lslamic republic is established. They have networks with other lslamic groups all over the world. lt is the same reason the former Soviet Union was unable to defeat the Mujahideens of Afthanistan for almost ten years and had to pull out of the country. History is repeating itself in Afghanistan as the United States, the most powerful nation on earth, along with the allied coalition, have not succeeded in defeating the Taliban in Afghanistan. This is simply due to the fact that an ideology cannot be defeated.
The many sins of Nigeria have started to set in motion the forces that will cause its final disintegration. lt is a country of lawlessness where anything goes. Nigeria is the only country where there is internal deportation. Citizens have been deported from one part of the country to another pan of the same country. What was Babatunde Fashola, Governor of Lagos state thinking when he deponed some lbos to Anambra state? My understanding of him is that he has the title of Senior Advocate Of Nigeria (SAN). As a lawyer, does he know that he violated the human rights of those people and possibly international law? On that note alone, I will change his title from Senior Advocate Of Nigeria (SAN) to Senior Advocate Of Oduduwa (SAO), which will become official next year when Nigeria's amalgamation will expire. Sadly enough, you, as the current president, never said a word about this violation of innocent people's civil rights. This act could have been a violation of Nigerian laws, if the country has any laws and the government of the day can boldly enforce such laws. Equally sad is the continued silence of both the National Assembly and the so called Attorney General Of The Federation. Therefore, you, President Jonathan, your Attorney General Of The Federation, The National Assembly have all earned the title of Silent Advocate Of Disintegration (SAD).
Only in Nigeria will the blind not only lead those with clear, perfect vision, but also insist that he is the right person to lead them. lt is also the same reason why all the oil wells are in the south and a morbid refinery in the north and none in the south. Can anyone explain to me why the northern region with no known resources, control more than 80% of the oil wells in the south while the south is left with LOO% of the pollution and environmental degradation? lt is only in Nigeria that elections are bought and not won. Travelling with a Nigerian passport to some parts of the world is like a death sentence. You will be humiliated, embarrassed and sometimes locked up in police cells. Thank God, I do not have any business carrying this death sentence called a Nigerian passport. However, I sincerely pity those innocent people carrying this death sentence called a Nigerian passport and have to be humiliated and ridiculed in most countries. Nigeria is synonymous with corruption and nepotism. Nigeria is a country where mediocrity is not only the norm but encouraged and rewarded.
In Nigeria, the only job available for university graduates is armed robbery/kidnapping. ls this a country or a jungle? Only in Nigeria will a politician get a headache and fly overseas for medical treatment while a poor citizen is left to die from chronic illiness due to the lack of quality medical facilities. Nigeria is a country where the political class is not only the richest, but the only visible class. These corrupt politicians have mansions all over the world purchased with stolen money that belongs to the poor people of Nigeria. lt is no wonder that many people are desperate to join the political class, even if they have to kill their opponent to get there. Only in Nigeria is a basic necessity like electricity considered a luxury. This explains why more people have died in this country as a result of toxic generator fumes than any where else in the world. Nigeria calls itself the giant of Africa, but the world knows Nigeria as the giant of corruption and mediocrity.
It is absurd to notice that the corrupt politicians in the country have started to fight each other in an attempt to position themselves for the so-called 2015 elections. Are these people out of their minds? Who told them that there will even be a Nigeria in 2015? Are they not aware that the amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914 will expire in 2OL4? This amalgamation document that created Nigeria was for one hundred (100) years only. Legally, this means that Nigeria WILL CEASE TO EXIST AFTER 2014. Anywhere in the world if a document is expired it is expired forever unless it is renewed. In my part of the world, if your driver's license expires and you are caught driving with it, you will face a criminal charge for violating the law. lf one can face a criminal charge for driving with an expired license, then explain to me why Nigeria will continue to exist with expired document. lt will be absofutefy fraudulent after 2Ot4 for anyone to continue to deceive people that Nigeria still exists. The truth is not only bitter, but sometimes overwhelming. No matter how you look at it, the truth never changes and must be accepted. I am not known to tell people what they want to hear, but what they need to hear. The truth can be bitter and overwhelming if you are used to lies that are camouflaged as truth.
I am not a prophet, but I forsee lots of bloodshed if anyone or any group of people manage to deceive the public that Nigeria still exists after 2014 and heading into 2015. The bloodshed will be so much that it may consume those trying to foist the expired "One Nigeria" on the people. lf some of them manage to escape this bloodshed, they will face insurmountable legal battles from the nationalities. The disintergration of Nigeria has started and nobody can stop it. Again, the only thing you, President Jonathan, have to do is to make it official and not allow the Nigerian amalgamation of 1914 to be renewed and become the Mikhail Gorbachev of Nigeria. This will redeem your image as weak and spineless. Then the whole world will see you as a hero and welcome you into the elite club of brave men and women that have changed history for the better. May God bless the emerging republics of Biafra, Oduduwa and Arewa.
Dr. Moses Nwaigwe
Photo Above: FedEx Shipping Slip issued to Dr. Mose Nwaigwe for President Jonathan's express mail (Dr. Nwaigwe's letter of appeal).
Click For FedEx Shipping Slip & Receipt
*How 17,500 Nigerian Political Office & Industrial Labor Unions Pocket 80% of Country’s Wealth
(Public Information, Onitsha-Nigeria, 23rd of September, 2013)-This is the continuation of part two of our Public Information on how less than 5% of Nigerians continued to corner and pocket close to 80% of her public finances on annual basis especially in areas of spurious allowances and scandalous overheads ( Refer to ). This less than 5% Nigerians comprises 17,500 top public office holders including 12,788 elected LGAs’ chairmen, their deputies and councilors from the constitutionally recognized 774 LGAs in Nigeria. Others are 1,695 elected officials at the 36 States and Federal levels including 72 governors and their deputies, 469 federal lawmakers, 1,152 States’ lawmakers and the President and his deputy.
Also included in the list of 17, 500 milky Nigerians are 3,062 appointed executives at Federal and States’ levels including about 472 federal executives excluding the president and his deputy already added above, about 2, 664 States’ executives excluding 36 States’ governors and their deputies already added above; 792 States’ judges and 142 federal judges. The 14,445 milky Nigerians with other additions by the Salaries & Wages Commission bring the total number of those milking the Nigeria’s public finances in the names of “allowances” and “overheads” to about 17, 500. From the angle of “allowances” and salaries contained in the revised Pay Act of 2008 enacted for them, they pocket N1, 13trillion (about $7Billon) every fiscal year with over 90% or over N900Billion going into payment of “allowances”. ( Continues below..... )
Photo Above: Disgraced and Jailed Delta State Governor, James Ibori
From the angle of “overheads”, which they allocate to themselves through “executive-legislature conspiracy” using Federal Appropriation Acts and States’ Appropriation Laws, they use them as conduit pipes to pocket spurious and scandalous sums amounting to trillions of naira or billions of dollars yearly. Part of these is now commonly referred to as “security votes”. An average Nigerian governor maintains a “security votes” of at least N4Billion a year. The security or defense budgets for Nigeria’s Presidency for 2012 and 2013 fiscal years amounted to over N1, 9trillion or about $12Billion, wich included personnel and overhead costs; yet nobody is secured in Nigeria except by divine intervention. The “security votes’ malaria virus” in Nigeria has since been extended to other holders of top public offices such as LGA chairmen and leaders of their legislative councils, chief judges of the States, FCT and Federal High Courts and their equivalents in Islamic and Customary Courts, President of the Court of Appeal and the Chief Justice of the Federation.
Others are speakers and their deputies at States and Federal levels including the President of the Senate and his deputy, heads of key government ministries, parastatals and commissions, chairmen of the governing councils and vice chancellors, provosts and rectors of government owned higher institutions, heads of key security agencies, to mention but a few. There are also over 35, 000 personal aides working for these 17,500 milky Nigerians on average of two for each of them. Some of those occupying plum elective and appointive public offices maintain as much as six aides each. These over 35,000 personal aides are serviced monthly through scandalous allowances smuggled into public budgets and Pay Wage Act with each of them taking home at every month end frivolous allowances ranging from N30, 000 to N100, 000 or more. It is estimated that between N1Billion and N3.5Billion is spent monthly in the maintenance of these personal aides and between N12Billion and N42Billion a year to foot their bills. The least political appointee recognized by the Nigerian Constitution of 1999 is “special adviser” for governors, presidents and their deputies.
But in practice, there are “special advisers” for legislators and their leaders, ministers, commissioners, heads of key public commissions and parastatals , etc. There are also motley of “senior special assistants”, “special assistants”, “executive assistants”, “personal assistants”, to mention but a few. The introduction of motley of “allowances” described in different names by public industrial bodies like ASUU, ASUP,SSANU, NLC, NUT, TUC, NMA, etc, and agitations through industrial strikes for their payment is predicated upon the foregoing. In Nigeria, striking bodies also include academic staff and non academic staff associations for universities, polytechnics/monotechnics and colleges of education; and associations for government primary and secondary schools, medical practitioners, nurses and midwives as well as bodies of clerical office attendants such as NLC and senior civil servants bodies like TUC, etc. Nigeria labour force has one of the lowest labour productivity and highest corruption indexes in the world.
Following from the foregoing including the part one and two of this important public information, it is now indisputably established that the 2009 ASUU-Federal Government Agreement is far from having a concrete answer to the battered and failed standard of higher education in Nigeria. Nigeria, in abundance of plenty has continued to wallow in confusions of various social variables. The hydra headed monsters of corruption, scandalous governmental running costs including spurious overheads and allowances have been solely responsible for socioeconomic downturns including battered standard of her higher education in Nigeria especially since 2007. In the 2011 fiscal year, for instance, Nigerian Government generated $24.54Billion or about N3.9trillion and spent $32.65Billion or about N5.2trillion (CIA World Fact Book 2012).
Beyond these man-made socioeconomic challenges hurting and hunting the country, the Nigeria’s higher education policies are utterly awkward and retrogressive. The carrying capacities of the country’s 297 higher education institutions are very minimal, manual and unscientific. For instance, the 297 higher institutions in the country do not have up to 3million students. The 124 accredited universities have student population of under 2million. On average of 20,000 students for each of the 74 Federal and States’ Universities, the 74 universities’ student population is under 1,5million. On average of 6,000 students for each of the 50 private universities, less than 400,000 student populations abound. And on average of 5,000 students for each of the 173 colleges of education, polytechnics and monotechnics, less than 900,000 student population abounds. This is against the UK Open University’s 193,000 student population made up of “full time”, “part time” and “electronic/distance based” students. Ninety percent of those that take part in the Nigerian higher education entrance examinations are denied admission and out of every five that get distinction in the pre-university exams marks, three are denied admission.
We are deeply sorry for not being able to conclude in this part three. Watch out for part four, which is the concluding part.
How To Manage Industrial Disputes In Nigeria & Save The Economy & Higher Education From Brink
In the part -three (Refer Above) of our Public Information on the smokescreen nature of the 2009 Agreement between ASUU and the Federal Government of Nigeria as per solutions to the failed higher education in the country and how less than 5% of Nigeria’s estimated population of 170 million corner and pocket annually close to 80% of the country’s public finances through scandalous allowances and overheads, we concluded that part by pointing out the inability of the Nigerian citizens to access tertiary education in the country owing to inadequate number of higher institutions, awkward education policies by regulatory agencies and prohibitive running costs of government that take chunk of resources off educational development in the country. That only 297 higher education institutions are left to serve 170 million people of Nigeria is a clear sign of monumental failure of higher education in the country. That the 297 higher institutions including 124 accredited universities cannot boast of at least 10 million student population owing to their manual and unscientific guidelines and methods of tutorship makes the country’s tertiary education not only archaic, but also an opponent of modern educational innovations.
The United States, for instance, has 5,758 degree awarding institutions for her 313 million people. Brazil has 2,368 higher institutions for her 192 million people. Japan has 918 universities for her 127.6 million people. Philippine has 2,080 higher institutions for her 92.3 million people. Vietnam has 146 universities for her 87.8 million people. Ethiopia has 141 universities for her 84.3 million people. South Korea has 432 higher institutions for her 48.5 million people and Taiwan has 173 universities including 9 security universities for her 23.4 million people. While Nigeria, with an estimated population of 170 million people has only 124 accredited universities and 173 other higher institutions.
The UK Open University-an internationally rated distance learning provider and one of the best 500 universities in the world, has a total student population of 193, 835 as at 2012. It is followed by the University of London with its colleges, which has a total student population of 128, 580 as at 2012. In Nigeria, the total student population of the 124 accredited universities is not up to 1.5 million and the entire student population of the 297 higher institutions in the country is not up to 3 million. Out of 20.3 million students in the USA universities alone as at 2010, 14, 6 million enrolled full time and 5, 6 million studied through part-time and distance learning.
Nigeria’s higher education institutions are also highly parasitic and scientifically under-developed. Other than exorbitant school fees, government subventions and loans, they will crumble. Corruption and loss of values have become a serious challenge threatening the corporate integrity of the country’s higher institutions. Award of honorary degrees is now pegged for the highest bidders and given to celebrated generators of violence and public corruption in the country. In the United States, as at 2006, 765 colleges and universities had combined endowment assets of $340Billion, out of which, Harvard University had $29Billion(Intersociety 2012). There are 120 full research universities in the USA using their rich libraries and laboratories to find solutions to social problems, but in Nigeria, none of the 297 higher institutions is socio-scientific research oriented.
Apart from the fact that laws setting up the three main regulatory agencies for the 297 higher education institutions in Nigeria such as the NUC Act of 1974 for 124 accredited universities, NCCE Act of 1989 for 50 colleges of education and NABTE Act of 1977 for 97 polytechnics and 26 monotechnics, are obsolete and out of tune with modern international higher education regulatory requirements, the managements of the three main regulatory agencies are led by BBC scholars; that is to say professors and doctors born before computer age. Because of arrogance and pride, these BBC professors and doctors refused to learn computer and its immeasurable values and cultures. As a result, they have become resistant to computer age education resources. The only infantile efforts they made to beat “compuphobia” so as to remain relevant among their international colleagues was to hire fresh computers graduates, diploma holders and under-graduates as personal assistants for the purposes of opening and maintenance of electronic mails as well as contributing to electronic journals and researches nationally and internationally.
A good number of Nigerian academic scholars at professorial and doctoral cadre are still computer illiterate. Three, if not four out of every five of them cannot make a presentation or deliver lectures using power-point and excel technologies. Most of the 297 higher education institutions in Nigeria still use pen and paper, chalk and manual board mounted under trees, in shanties and prison-like block apartments with their students swelling and smelling like Christmas Goats and refugees.
There is no accurate data for tertiary institutions’ student population in Nigeria and the student data for individual higher institution is very unreliable. Electronic resources for higher education in Nigeria are near absent. The only university in the country that is computer and electronic friendly is the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), modeled after the UK, Hong Kong and India Open Universities, yet its feat is being frustrated by the BBC professors and doctors at the NUC, who belong to the age of typewriter. Recently, a department in a federal polytechnic in the Southeast Nigeria went wild in celebration over its successful experiment in electronic exams, whereas NOUN has successfully used it for four years only for the BBC professorial and doctorial peopled NUC to command it to revert to pen and paper.
In the Catholic Regis University of USA, built in 1877, for instance, all the modern electronic education resources and international network access are in place despite the university’s ancient age. A professor or doctorate degree holder, who teaches in the university, can be a student in another department (i.e. computer and ICT program). A number of their professors teach in the university through distance access remedial resources such as power-point powered by internet access. One of the University’s professors who lives in Indonesia teaches her students from her country’s base using e-education technology. Through this means, 20,000 students can have access to two professors no matter their locations on earth. In Nigeria, this is the secret behind the successful and historic production of first Nigerian powered criminologists and security experts by NOUN in 2012. Career criminologists are very few in Nigeria, but through e-education resources, their seminal works were made available to the concerned students. This is a major challenge facing many Nigerian universities that wish to run such an important program owing to mounting security challenges in the country.
It is our recommendation that the Federal and State Ministries of Education should conduct advanced computer and ICT tests on all lecturers in their higher institutions, starting from graduate assistants to full time and contract professors and those without computer and ICT literacy should be enrolled to study and acquire same mandatorily. We also recommend as a matter of firmness and urgency that all the executive secretaries of NUC, NCCE and NABTE should be sacked and their entire managements overhauled and re-peopled with computer and ICT compliant scholars. The NUC Act of 1974, NCCE Act of 1989 and NABTE Act of 1977, which are the typewriter age enactments should be overhauled and brought in tune with modern international higher education policies and guidelines. Suspension of part-time programs by NUC in 2012 should not only be lifted but also e-education resources including distance learning should be made a policy with merit-based and incorruptible guidelines.
At NOUN, corruption index is at its lowest ebb and to pass exams in the university, course materials must be studied back and front. In its e-exams, exams hours are not only strictly regulated by the computer under the watchful eyes of invigilators, but students’ marks are instantly graded. This gives no rooms for sorting, award of fictitious marks for a fee or for a pant and sexual harassment, violence and student-lecturer cultism. One fundamental way to address the brain drain syndrome in Nigeria is by institutionalizing electronic education resources in the country’s higher education system. The think home philosophy for Nigeria’s tens of thousands of academic scholars teaching in overseas including between 25,000 and 30, 000 or more Nigerian academic scholars in the United States will begin with this noble approach. Through internet powered e-education resources, they can easily teach their country home students without needing to be coming home always, except in a while for purposes of practical, research, etc. It is also cheaper, qualitative, less risky and convenient.
More higher education institutions including universities are not only direly and urgently needed in Nigeria, but also multi-national and multi-billionaire indigenous companies like Shell, Agip, Chevron, GLO, MTN, NNPC, Dangote, etc, should give Nigerians more universities at affordable prices and qualities, as part of their social responsibility obligations to Nigerian citizens. Both Federal and States’ Governments in Nigeria should drastically review and upgrade criteria for membership of higher institutions’ governing councils. Apart from making professors and holders of doctorate degrees heads of governing councils, other members must possess at least first university degrees or their equivalents. Professionals, not career politicians, should head such governing councils and membership of such councils should no longer be used as political settlements.
To effectively manage incessant industrial disputes in Nigeria, all the basic salaries of the leaders and members of the industrial unions capable of downing tools in the country, should be left intact subject to their statutory reviews. But all the allowances with whatever names so attached or called, should be reviewed, aggregated and codified. In the circumstance, we recommend for forensic review of all the allowances presently demandable and payable in respect of all the public industrial unions including ASUU, ASUP, SSANU, NLC, TUC, NMA, NUT and so on. Such review will take into account need to remove ones that are over-bloated and frivolous. The remaining payable allowances after such forensic review should be cut by 30% as a sacrifice to save our economy and resources for the capital development of our higher education. The idea of codification of these allowances with their review periods is to prevent frivolities and proliferation of allowances by demanding industrial unions. Government must honour its obligations with respect to terms so contained and demand maximum outputs from the beneficiaries.
We also strongly recommend that the basic salaries of the 17,500 top public office holders in Nigeria should be left intact. This is because the problem does not lie on salaries but allowances and overheads, which are scandalous and criminal. It is our firm recommendation that all the allowances paid annually to these 17,500 milky Nigerians should be holistically reviewed with a view to removing those found irrelevant such as newspaper allowance of N1.24 Million, hardship allowance of N1.2Million, wardrope allowance of N621, 000, recess allowance of N248, 000, accommodation allowance of N4, 96Million (there is already furniture allowance of N7, 45Million), domestic staff allowance of N868,000(there is already personal assistance allowance of N621,000), entertainment allowance of N828,000 and vehicle maintenance allowance of N1,86Million( there is already motor vehicle allowance of N9,93Million). These categories of irrelevant allowances are basically enjoyed by each of the 469 federal lawmakers in Nigeria and they are extended with minor modifications to others included in the list of the said 17,500 milky Nigerians.
We further recommend that the remaining allowances should be cut by at least 50% so as to save resources for the adequate provision and maintenance of social services including adequate funding of our tertiary education. Nigeria’s 3,500 kilometers of railways are in shambles. The 8,600 kilometers of the country’s inland waterways are not properly developed and policed; her 22 airports are not only too small for 170 million people, but also below international standards. The 34,120 kilometers of federal roads are death trap, likewise the 36 States’ 34, 300 kilometers and the 776 LGAs’ 129, 580 kilometers of roads. The 50% cut in the said allowances will fetch the Nigeria over N275Billion from 12,788 LGAs’ executives and councilors’ allowances, N136Billion from about 2,664 States’ executives, N27Billion from 469 federal lawmakers, N45Billion from about 472 federal executives,N18Billion from 1, 152 States’ lawmakers,N8Billion from 792 States’ judges and N6,5Billion from 142 federal judges, totaling N516Billion a year.
While security votes should be restricted to the president and governors with drastic downward review, such allocation to heads of all top public offices other than governors and the president should be abolished and prohibited by law. The estimated over 35,000 personal assistants working for the said 17,500 milky Nigerians should be trimmed down by 50% with only president, deputy president, governors, deputy governors, senate president, deputy senate president, speaker of the House of Reps and his deputy, Chief Justice of the Federation, the Appeal Court President and Chief Judges of States, FCT and Federal High Courts allowed maximum of three personal assistants other than their constitutionally recognized aides. The scandalous and criminal overhead expenditures in Nigeria should be cut by 50% as well.
Comrade Justus Ijeoma, Head, Publicity Desk
*Socioeconomic Consequences of Industrial Disputes & High Cost of Running Government in Nigeria
(Public Information, Onitsha Nigeria, 21st of September, 2013)-The leadership of International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law is of the firm view that the real solutions to the failed and battered standard of higher education and its institutions in Nigeria including the 124 accredited universities are beyond the 2009 Agreement between the Federal Government of Nigeria and the leadership of the Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities. The failure on the part of the Federal Government to keep to the terms of the said Agreement especially on “Earned Allowances” for lecturers of the 37 Federal Government owned universities, which had accumulated since 2009 to the tune of between N87Billion and N92Billion, is basis upon which the recent strike action by ASUU members is predicated.
The strike action embarked upon by the teachers of 74 Federal and State Governments’ owned universities has been on since 2nd July, 2013. The “Earned Allowances” for the lecturers of the 37 Federal Universities are expected to serve as a benchmark for those of the 37 State Universities in Nigeria. Lecturers of the 50 private universities are not part of the strike action, but are expected to draw some currents from the said Agreement if fully implemented especially the issue of “Earned Allowances” for university teachers.
Nigeria, with the 2012 UN and CIA World Fact Book estimated population of 170 million, has four-tier degree awarding post secondary school institutions called “universities”, “polytechnics”, “monotechnics” and “colleges of educations” numbering 297 recognized or accredited as at December 2012. Nigeria has one of the world’s lowest higher education-citizen ratios in the world with only 297 higher education institutions serving 170 million people as against the Republic of Taiwan’s 173 universities for 23.4 million people and USA’s 5,758 higher institutions for 313 million people (Intersociety 2012). The country has over the years, recorded “weak pass” in the African Regional Universities’ ratings and performed abysmally at the international universities and higher education ratings. This is largely due to “brain drain” syndrome, corruption and ill-policies of the government including consistent devaluation of our national currency. There are confirmed over 30,000 Nigerian academic specialists in the United States especially at professorial and doctoral levels. ( Continues below..... )
Photo Above: Members of Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) protesting in Enugu, Enugu State, Nigeria in 2010. Click For Enlarged Photo
There are 37 Federal, 37 State and 50 Private Universities in Nigeria as at December 2012 bringing the total of accredited universities to 124(Intersociety 2012). Also, out of 97 polytechnics in Nigeria, Federal Government has 36, States 48 and private 13. Out of 50 colleges of education in the country, Federal Government has 17, States 30 and private 3, and out of 26 monotechnics existing in the country, Federal Government has 22, States 2 and private 2. This brings the total to 297 higher education colleges or degree awarding institutions in Nigeria as at December 2012(Intersociety 2012). The teachers’ unions of the 297 tertiary institutions are called their respective names such as “Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities (ASUU). There are also three recognized government regulatory agencies for them called “Nigerian Universities Commission” for 124 universities; “National Commission for Colleges of Education” for 50 colleges of education and “ National Board for Technical Education” for 97 polytechnics and 26 monotechnics in Nigeria.
The ASUU-Federal Government Agreement of 2009 includes: 1. Funding Requirements for Revitalizing the Nigerian Universities. 2. Federal Government’s Assistance to State Universities. 3. Progressive Increase of Annual Budgetary Allocation of 26% to Education from 2009 to 2020 fiscal years. 4. Amendment to the Pension/Retirement Age of Academics on Professorial Cadre from 65 to 70 years (implemented since 2012). 5. Establishment of Pension Fund Administrator and Governing Council. 6. Transfer of Federal Government Landed Properties to Universities as the Setting Up of Research and Development Units by Companies Operating in Nigeria. 7. Provision of Adequate Teaching and Research Equipment. 8. Payment of Earned Allowances of between N87Bliion and N92Billion accumulated since 2009.
Critics of ASUU strike strongly believe that other than demands for payment of the accumulated arrears of Earned Allowances and Amendment to the Pension/Retirement Age of Academics on Professorial Cadre from 65 to 70 years (implemented since 2012), other demands contained in the 2009 Agreement are mere “legitimacy instruments”, designed to legitimize the industrial action with a view to drawing public supports. In other words, once the “Earned Allowances” are settled, others are kept in the coolers to be dusted up in another industrial action.
A cursory look at the contents of the above mentioned Agreement of 2009 indicates that the battered condition of the Nigeria’s higher education cannot substantially be remedied on the basis of said Agreement. In other words, the Agreement, even if fully implemented, remains a smokescreen solution. Real solutions are far more than demand and payment of “lofty allowances and pensions” for university lecturers or minimum 26% recommended annual budgetary allocations to education in the developing countries put in place by the UNESCO.
It is sad to observe that industrial disputes in Nigeria over the years have only succeeded in addressing the poor wages of the affected striking unions or bodies such as ASUU, NMA, NUT, NLC, teachers of colleges of education and polytechnics/monotechnics especially in the area of “allowance wages”. The positive outcomes (increase in allowances) of such industrial actions have neither solved the problem of “brain drain” syndrome nor improved standard of higher education in Nigeria. On the other hand, their negative outcomes have led to more borrowings with high interest rates for the payment of huge increases in the motley of allowances demanded and agreed upon as well as denial of social services to other 170 million Nigerians.
Sadly and unfortunately, such industrial demands and their agreements have been predicated upon “national cake sharing”, whereby the striking bodies vent their grudges on politicians and other top public officers on the ground that since politicians spend scandalously to maintain themselves, motley conditions of services especially lofty allowances formulated and demanded by the striking bodies, must all be paid to them even if it means borrowing at exorbitant interest rates. In organized democratic climes, such demands, negotiations and agreements are solely predicated on the performances of their economies including percentage of contribution to the growth of such economies by the striking bodies as well as other fundamental yardsticks including public finance prudency and costs of running public governance.
But in Nigeria, reverse is totally the case. It is also fundamentally important to inform that out of the Nigeria’s current estimated population of 170 million, members of ASUU, NUT, TUC, NMA, NLC, teachers of government owned colleges of education and polytechnics/monotechnics and other government controlled bodies capable of going on strike for increased pay wages; when added to the existing 17,500 Nigerians who control top management of the country’s top public offices, are not up to 5% of the entire Nigerian population estimated at 170 million in 2012. Yet close to 80% of the annual public finances, generated and borrowed, is scandalously spent on servicing them on yearly basis, out of which, payment of allowances take up to 90%, whereas salaries account for only 10%.
For instance, according to the revised Salaries & Allowances for Top Public Office Holders Act of 2008, the scandalous sum of N1, 13trillion ( about $7.1Billion) is spent annually on 17,500 top public office holders in Nigeria with 90% of the said sum going into payment of allowances. From this, the 12,788 top LGA officials from the country’s 774 LGAs are paid N592Billion (about $3.7Billion), out of which, N550Billion is spent on allowances alone.
Other than this approved bogus Pay Act of the Federation, Appropriation Acts of the Federation and Appropriation Laws of the 36 States in the country are also used to squander monies meant for social developments in Nigeria. This they do by allocating scandalous sums in the form of “sitting, oversight and public function allowances and overhead expenditures”. For instance, the Presidency spends N9.08Billion (about $66Million) annually in maintaining 10 planes in the Presidential Fleet (Ezekwesili 2013). The office of the Senate President is given N250Million quarterly or N1Billion annually as “public office allowances” and a Nigerian Senator enjoys 15 categories of allowances annually including annual newspaper allowance of over N1.2Million (Intersociety 2012).
This is the continuation of our Public Information, dated 21st of September, 2013, on the smokescreen nature of the ASUU-Federal Government Agreement of 2009 as a solution to the battered standard of higher education in Nigeria. Our main concern is to expose and bring to the attention of the world how less than 5% of the Nigeria’s estimated population of 170 million, made up of 17, 500 top public office holders in Nigeria and public industrial unions and their members such as ASUU, NMA, NUT, TUC, NLC, etc, have continued to corner and pocket close to 80% of the country’s annual public finances at the monumental expense of other 170 million Nigerians. This they do by allocating to themselves scandalous sums in the form of “allowances” and “overheads”, using the instruments of “Appropriation Acts of the Federation”, “Appropriation Laws of the States” and “Industrial Actions or Strikes”.
The socioeconomic consequences of the forgoing are totally incalculable. Since 1997 when Nigeria recorded her last budget surplus, it had been budget deficits all through. Simply put, budget is in deficit when its expenditure is greater than its generated revenues and money is borrowed in cash or in kind to finance it. It is over-bloated when it is premised on excess consumption and swollen governmental running costs. It is sizable when it is predicated on core and needy budgetary items including human and capital developments. It is balanced when its expenditure equals its generated revenues. It is surplus when its expenditure is lower than its generated revenues. It is visionary when its makers go successfully beyond its traditional financing boundaries in the form of “decentralization”, “diversification” and creation of “new wealth”. It is positively supplementary when more needy areas are captured and attended to on the basis of excess revenue accruals. And it is negatively supplementary when more items both needy and frivolous are captured and attended to, on the strength of further borrowings and revenue downturn.
Further, budget is traditionally divided into “recurrent” and “capital”. Recurrent budget is further divided into “personnel” and “overhead” costs. Capital budget takes care of provision of social services including key public infrastructures as well as human and material wealth creation. As a matter of fact, the fundamental basis upon which government exists is for the creation and execution of “capital budgets or projects”. Personnel costs of a budget take care of the payment of public workers’ salaries, allowances and other wage entitlements including pensions of the retired workforce. Overhead costs of a budget are for the maintenance of government machineries like buildings, office equipment, vehicular and other vital instruments. Nigeria now has a four-tier budget of “budget capital”, “recurrent personnel”, “recurrent overheads” and “budget debts servicing”.
Following from the foregoing, therefore, Nigerian budgets since 1999 have been deeply debt-ridden and consumptive. They are also static and highly centralized. Between June 1999 and now (2013), the Federal Government of Nigeria had budgeted a total of N37, 665trillion (about $221Billion using N160.00 per $USD), out of which, N21, 7 trillion went for recurrent expenditures; N4,5trillion or about $28Billion went for debts servicing; and only N11.3trillion or about $70Billion went for capital expenditures. Implementation and execution of capital budgets in Nigeria have been marred by “white-collar criminality” such as fraud, over-invoicing, embezzlement, kick-backs, white-elephant project execution, etc.
Also, between June 1999 and December, 2012, a total of N80 trillion or about $500Billion was shared by Nigeria’s three tiers of government-Federal, States and LGAs from the country’s Federation Account (Intersociety 2012). Nigeria’s total domestic and external debts including those owed by States, LGAs and government parastatals and ministries have skyrocketed since May 2007, from about $18Billion including $6Billion of foreign and N1.8trillion of domestic debts; to about $100Billion or N16trillion in 2013 with a staggering difference of $88Billion borrowed locally and internationally by relevant public borrowing establishments. In 2012 alone, Nigeria paid a whopping sum of N699Billion or about $4.4Billion to banks and other lending institutions within and outside the country in the form of “debts or loans’ interests”(Ezekwesili 2013).
A critical look at the foregoing clearly indicates that close to 80% of such huge expenditures and loans were expended and borrowed to service 17,500 Nigerian top public office holders and members and leaders of public industrial unions such as ASUU, under the guise of “allowances” and “overheads”. The major challenge facing the growth and development of the Nigerian economy is institutionalization with reckless abandon, of spurious allowances and overheads.
As we have earlier stated, out of N592Billion spent annually to service the wage entitlements of 12,788 LGAs’ executives and councilors in Nigeria, N550Billion goes into payment of allowances. Only N42Billion is spent on their salaries. Out of N300Billion spent on about 2,664 States’ executives in the 36 States of Nigeria, N272Billion is spent on allowances and only N28Billion is spent on salaries. Out of N60.4Billion spent on 469 federal lawmakers in Nigeria annually, N54.2Billion is spent on allowances and only N6.1Billion is spent on salaries.
Out of N92.3Billion spent annually on 472 federal executives in the country, N89.7Billion is for allowances and only N8.6Billion is for their salaries. Out of N40.9Billion spent on 1,152 State lawmakers in Nigeria, N35.8Billion is spent on allowances and only N5.09Billion is spent on their salaries. Out of N18.5Billion spent on 792 State Judges in the country, N15.4Billion is spent on allowances and only N3.1Billion is spent on their salaries; and out of N14.8Billion spent on 142 federal judges annually, N13.1Billion is spent on allowances and only N1.7Billion is spent on their salaries (Intersociety 2012 and the revised Salaries & Allowances for Top Public Office Holders Act of 2008). The forgoing does not capture spurious overheads and extraneous allowances annually smuggled into the Appropriation Acts of the Federation and the Appropriation Laws of the 36 States in the country.
Watch out for Parts 3 & 4 on “a way out”.
Comrade Justus Ijeoma, Head, Publicity Desk
*A Resurgent Nigeria: Forging greater unity, planting the seeds of togetherness. Discussion with Dr Kusum Gopal
By Philip Probity & Babaji Halilu
As we approach fifty-three years of Independence this October from colonial rule, many Nigerians like us continue to reflect on our nation a region of great potential, given the phenomenal talent, material wealth, being blessed to be part of the great African continent. There is always a commentary on our national deficiencies, be it tribalism, the endemic corruption, failure of the public health system, the weakness of civil societies, and in recent years, the carnage wreaked by the Boko Haram. As a nation Nigeria has been facing many challenges and its unity is being threatened. What can be done to remedy it? Is there a way out? Certainly there is a way out, says Dr Kusum Gopal, who has technical expertise on east/west Africa, the MENA region, the countries of the Indian Subcontinent and Denmark. She has worked on conflict resolution, refugee rehabilitation, social development, public health, gender mainstreaming, and, related humanitarian matters.
Q: There are many concerns. Let us begin first with tribalism. Can we overcome this at all?
Answer: We cannot seek to remedy or, seek to cure without a holistic root and branch understanding of the Why question. Shall we now begin by paying homage to the novelist and poet, Chinua Achebe who died in spring this year? He observed correctly that, ”Nigeria is a nation favoured by Providence”. And, that alone with committed, enlightened leadership and honesty could pull the country from its troubles. He also argued that as former colonisers who have benefited greatly from colonisation during the last four hundred years or so and continue to do so, European countries and the Powers-that-Be have an extremely critical responsibility in negotiating peace and prosperity. This means in most instances, that fresh appraisals by all governments and policy makers who are working with such preconceived erroneous, belief systems is necessary as also, the need to engage in these joint conversations, as it is of moral and ethical urgency.
And, thus it is essential for those in power not just in Nigeria but everywhere, including Euro-America nations and networks to learn to listen, and, to reflect particularly, to the voices of suffering tempered by universal principles of good judgement and accountability: judiciousness is rooted in deep understanding of not just one’s own history and culture, but also, that of another country’s history combined with the specificities of cultural reasoning and pragmatism. In Nigeria for example, the past weighs heavily on the present because like nearly all post-colonial nations, the infrastructure, and bureaucracy and, in this instance, the Black letter law dominate proceedings. Historically, intellectuals on both sides of the divide remain deeply critical of the arbitrary Partition of Africa, the root of all present day strife in this great continent. With reference to Nigeria, the politics of divide and rule between north, west and the east, the Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa-Fulani in the main were consequent to the separatist political parties such as the NPC in the north, the AG in the west and the NCNC. There is immediacy, an urgent need for dialogues for a pan Nigerian identity to be set into motion through en masse education- which could also take place under trees in the fields and, communities engage in these discussions at a national level. The role of schools and more necessarily, universities is very important. Academics should be allowed to conduct research uninhibited and by granting freedom of education knowledge could be disseminated. Ultimately the truth always comes out, but often after the cost of immeasurable human suffering; this can be prevented by encouraging education of the mind and the spirit, at a formal and informal level. Publications must be discussed such as Achebe, Soyinka, Isichei, Dr. Chuks Osuji and so many others indeed, these numerous monographs of valuable research must be made available at low cost. Indeed, also discussions must happen on TV and other media on public platforms, an active engagement with civil societies, communities supported by government.
Here, we need to acknowledge dispassionately, without hate or feelings of revenge to evaluate what has transpired during the last two hundred years and, to resuscitate past pre-colonial traditions that fostered friendship, sharing of the environment and other such understandings. These tribal identities need to be discussed again. That is not to do away with any identity but illustrate how people in these regions have coexisted for centuries. We need to understand the roots of the current divide, of suspicion; when did these tribal names originate bearing in mind, a concept of race or tribe is not indigenous to African cultures? What is meant by Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa-Fulani or any of the other identities, all of which are equally to be valued. Differences between people were measured by dialects, languages and attire. And, intermarriage was a common practice. A study of the beliefs illustrate that in West Africa and beyond, within the corridors from north to the south, the timing and performance of critical traditional customs and practices are common. For example, the cults of ancestral spirits, burying the chief of a tribe at midnight, divining for rain; social beliefs about the rearing of babies, rites of initiation during puberty, customs such as bride wealth, marriage, pregnancy taboos, dietary regulations, childbirth, postpartum ceremonies remain the same Thus, making separate and dividing peoples on anthropometric basis of invented tribe schemata measures explicitly negated time honoured customs, how people related to each other, or accepted and understood their environments, or, their mutual interdependence with which these cultures had evolved naturally for millennia with indigenous forms of governance that had worked for them.
The loss of certainty has led to new forms of strife and introduced ‘communal’ conflicts: such estrangement has had the effect of foreclosing and truncating indigenous value systems. We also know that by 1914, 90% of Africa had been divided between seven European countries with only Liberia and Ethiopia remaining partially independent nations. Many of the boundaries drawn up by Europeans at the Berlin Conference still endure today with little regard to natural landmarks or political boundaries established by the Africans themselves. Here the role of Oral traditions and the guidance of Elders and Chiefs in educating people will be invaluable in encouraging a Pan Nigerian identity, indeed a common West African or African identity stressing mutual interdependence and commonalities of shared cultural beliefs and lifestyles.
We must not suppress cultural expressions or seek to dissolve tribal identities as they have now come to exist, but we must emphasise unity in diversity as integral to governance. Every country has its own forms of governance, and institutional systems in place that facilitate not just the decision making processes, but representation through bureaucracies’ facilitations.
Q: Yes, compulsory education is the need of the hour. Could you elaborate on this?
Answer: In every human’s lifetime there is formal and informal education. The most important kind of education would knit these two together and education for Life is essential. It is not necessary to get a PhD or go to university, we just need to get the basics right – understand who we are, why we are the way we are and what can we do to make this world a better place. But to get there, there is the dire need for reforming the education system, in particular through the detailed examination and revision of the school textbooks. The specific histories and cultures of the regions such as the Indian subcontinent and the African continent as indeed, also west Asia prior to the Partitions must be understood. In doing so there is a need to deconstruct the logic of prejudices that are detrimental to mutual understanding - and this can be done through scientific, philosophical and literary anthologies and writings - that take into account oral traditions. This way through education, and by films, negative images of others, religious intolerance, incitement of hatred, violence and contempt for one other could be removed. Teachers must be trained as they are the educators and they must not only transmit knowledge but also comment critically on the transmitted knowledge and its content. Cultural diversity is integral to these regions and has always been. It is important to recognise that personal identities are intimately linked with political processes and that social identities are not a given once and for all, but are negotiated over an individual’s lifetime.
Q: You mentioned the necessity of Ethnographic research in policy making. Could you explain from your work on how it can be applied for Nigeria in for example maternal mortality which is a major problem here?
Answer: Indeed, maternal mortality, neonatal deaths are a terrible scourge – and it is one of the MDG’s. Addressing this would have a ripple effect on many other areas—and providing free basic civic facilities and public hygiene is critical. Yes, whether it is public health, conflict resolution, governance such as the idea of a nation state or any activity engaged by human beings, ethnography can offer not just profound insights but also assist policy making that would be culture sensitive, in keeping with local belief systems. There exist collection of writings on this region—from colonial administrator-scholars- and since then to the present much research continues. For instance, there are rich and powerful traditions of ethno-medicine that has much to offer on reproductive health. In Nigeria for example, I would like to highlight the work done on the Igbo beliefs about reproductive status and health which are vital to a woman’s identity and a girl’s honour – as a defining purpose in life. Significant emphasis placed on witchcraft, curses and oaths as the primary causes of reproductive health disorders according a high value to herbal remedies. It shows the immeasurable value of folk beliefs and we need to incorporate all this knowledge into the health system. So much of it makes sense as the ethnographer Izumgura, has pointed out in Igbo, Oria nwanyi sitere na onumara is a diagnosis of inherited reproductive systems – family and heredity difficulty in conception, retention of placenta or Oria nwanyi buovuru futa uwa which is about understanding congenital reproductive systems –And these beliefs have parallels with modern scientific research! Thus, we need to take into account all local belief systems and give them importance. They are essential in choice of words and language as indeed, much else for communicating and, for successful health practices as they will gain local acceptance. That means not to look down or mock people's beliefs but accommodate them within the wider framework of public health practice.
Q: Often religious differences are being cited as the cause of all the violence. Any thoughts on this?
Answer: It is wrong to say that any religion is a cause of violence as all religions preach peace and beneficence for all human beings. As also, to view religions as monolithic wholes, particularly with Christianity, Islam, indeed, Judaism. There are so many different Christian Churches and sometimes families belonging to one will refuse their daughter or son to marry outside of it. Indeed, hostilities exist within Catholic and Protestant traditions - Northern Ireland for example In Islam there are so many traditions and we see today in Pakistan, Syria and in other countries, the persecution of Shiias. Yet interpreting this as Shiia vs. Sunni or, Salafi vs. Alevis is simplistic and, needs deeper reflection and one must journey back in time while taking cognisance of the present. Take for example, the Ottoman Sunnis who built the beautiful Shiia mosques in Iraq; there was much peace during their reign. Once again the Why question. We know that for millennia syncretic traditions of tolerance prevailed. We find mosques and churches housed in the same buildings with the worshippers displaying reverence without any rancour or violence. Islam and popular animism coexisted along with all other forms of spiritualism along with Christianity that was introduced by the missionaries. It is to this sycreticism or traditions of co-existence that we must turn to. Many scholars who write about Nigeria concur it is poverty, unemployment and rampant corruption that has led to these violent attacks. We know that 90% of Nigeria is extremely poor and living on less than a dollar a day. As is the case in any poor country, violence has become commonplace as dignity and humanity is being trampled upon: most people struggle to live with moral courage and spiritual fortitude, trapped as they are. Will it remain as Achebe notes:” why is it the good among us are so helpless, while the worst is full of vile energy?” Only the government and its power base can initiate such changes.
Development and security are interconnected as former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has been keen to emphasise. We need to begin a discussion on a Road Map for comprehensive system of collective security beginning at a national level. Often there is no acknowledgement that all threats are interconnected. Thus, accounts of human suffering and exploitation are perceived as being caused by differences of power, wealth, sometimes geography; without collective recognition of poverty leading to initiating programmes/response mechanisms for its eradication, strengthening the public health system the state cannot enjoy peace. Given the rich oil revenues, it would be easy to set up social security for every Nigerian: granting free housing, education, health, and food grains be priced to make some profit for farmers –and infrastructures such as good roads, solar power, rain water harvesting – could generate employment -- all can be put to good use.
Q:What about the Boko Haram? How can we understand more about them?
Answer: Before we discuss the Boko Haram, we need to look into forms of vigilantism which has great popular appeal as they appear to target acts of institutionalised injustice and seek quick retribution while also providing protection. There is now as you know, a proliferation of vigilante militias and cult groups such as the Bokassi boys, MASSOB, Ombatse Cult and OPC among a host of others who have been granted general amnesty and co-opted into the regional governments to fight terrorism. The Boko Haram is not unlike any of these groups. It may have had messianic roots as its idealist founder from Maiduguri sought to hearken back to times of’ a just society’, in this case, pre-colonial west Africa. His interpretation of early form of Islam with Sharia laws providing the Ideal state in control of its resources. In its rejection of western education, values and culture, the Boko Haram has come to be perceived also as anti-Christian. Indeed, it has many self-styled leaders who may be acting alone or in groups of three, or five, several criminal elements cover their activities under the garb of Boko Haram. Prof Jean Herskovits has noted perceptively in an interesting article, that the Boko Haram has now evolved into a franchise that includes criminal groups claiming its identity. And, the Nigeria’s State Security Services also identified members of four “criminal syndicates” that send threatening text messages in the name of Boko Haram. Southern Nigerians — not northern Muslims — ran three of these four syndicates. She notes that 25% of the budget has been put aside for police and army and that the brutality of the security forces and the army is much more feared than the Boko Haram: such brutality is counterproductive and unnecessary. It was reported that the security services arrested a Christian southerner wearing northern Muslim garb as he set fire to a church in the Niger Delta. Nor, she observes is the Boko Haram a well-defined, organised terrorist group!Thus she concludes, in Nigeria, religious terrorism is not always what it seems. Many Nigerians are right to advise the government not to use brutal methods to hunt the Boko Haram. They believe that if ameliorating poverty and unemployment are made a priority much of the vigilantism and anti-state insurgencies would simply come to an end.
Q; There is often talk of the North/South Divide and this is extremely worrying as 2014 elections loom around the corner. And, can you list any parallels?
Answer: The classic North South divide was the cause of the great Civil War in the USA; fortunately Mr Lincoln’s side was victorious. Yes, this reading of a Divide stems from another dangerous meconaissance (Bourdieu’s misrecognition) - the Christian’ south’ pitted against the Muslim ‘north’. But as far as I can see there is no divide – there are Christians and Muslims in the north and south residing together. Also, an analysis of the polls of 2011 is enlightening: Mr Good luck’s People’s Democratic Party which has a strong southern base won 40% of the votes in Kaduna, Kebbi and Jigawa. Even in Sokoto, under the Sultan of Sokoto, one of the most important Muslim leaders in Nigeria, the PDP polled over a third. In total 25% votes in the north that re-affirmed him as President. In contrast, the CPC (Congress Progressive Change) in the north gained majorities in Katsina and Niger- only in the far north-eastern corner. Yes, there have been charges of ballot box thefts, vote rigging and much else. Nevertheless, the voting indicates among other things, the unity and deep sense of understanding of national democracy that exists within the state. Federalism is extremely useful as it allows each region/state to administer according to local government laws. In the USA for example, Louisiana has the Napoleonic code and French influence is evident in cuisine, Creole and much else. It is not pragmatic, indeed, democratic to pursue homogeneity of governance or language, when there is such rich cultural diversity be it in Nigeria, Indian Subcontinent or indeed, anywhere else.
Q: What lessons can be learnt from our past?
Answer: We remain in the grip of geopolitics and all peoples are affected by this – it is why we need to work together to make every region, confederation and nations secure. The Biafra war of 1967-1970 killed over three million people, pictures of the famine still shock people. This in itself should be a stark lesson for any further division of Nigeria. It simply could not have happened on its own. We know how it happened and, how it was dealt with. Boundaries serve to separate and to exclude, and yet the incidence of identical cultures on both sides of the boundary cannot be denied – one has to look at the Nigeria Cameroon divide or Benin which has such a powerful Yoruba culture; indeed, any African country or, the ongoing tragedy of the Indian subcontinent. Deep cultural attachments indeed, loyalties compel inter-community relations whether or not the communities are wholly located within a single country or split between countries. For as long as there has been human society based on territoriality and space, there have been boundaries, and where they evolved naturally, there is much peace, and where they have been forced without the consent of people, a false enmity has been created: the wounds of Partition simply will not heal; it is a brother and sister versus brother and sister thing: nothing can improve matters, apart from an acknowledgement of a deeply shared ancient heritage, and births from a common womb. In truth, Partitions of people who for millennia embraced syncreticism amputate the spirit and cultures of people; an outside Africa example would be the seven Partitions of the Indian Subcontinent, the last in particular between India and Pakistan being the bloodiest continues to reverberate with exceedingly tragic consequences.
Certainly, Africa has a great enviable heritage with powerful egalitarian customs that inspired great civilizations. There has always been great respect for the individual, discriminations based on the colour of one’s skin, physical features, ethnicity indeed status were not practiced, nor were philosophies and religions condemned. It is to this heritage we must delve into and draw solutions from in these very difficult times. And, in doing so the role of elders, priests, rulers and Government cannot be emphasised enough.
Q: Any other final thoughts?
Answer: Yes, let us stress that mutual interdependence and unity in diversity. There are so many common spiritual practices, the most sacred in this region is symbolised by gifting the Kola nuts which embodies peace, respect, good-will, acceptability, settlement of quarrel and in fact anything that stands for love and unity. Dr Chuks Osuji has done extremely important research! Is there not a saying,” Yorubas produce it, Hausas chew it the most and Igbo ritualise it the most.” This could be a point of entry for Nigerians, one and all towards recognising what once was a vibrant syncretism with deep connections: the shared use of metaphors in the languages, customs, music, cuisine as evidence. Also, in all discussions and dialogues, traditional forms of conflict resolution in each of these six regions must be brought to bear and, we need to go back to the pre-colonial times to resuscitate indigenous understandings of democracy whilst locating the roots of the present conflicts.
*Femi Fani-Kayode As An Assassin In Government: The Story Unfurls
By Enobong Umohette
This is a true account of Femi Fani-Kayode’s role as an agent of lawlessness during the years he served in former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s government. What I am about to relate are eyewitness accounts. For the record, I served as the major security detail to Mr. Fani-Kayode. From my vantage position I saw and heard some of the most despicable acts perpetrated by the ex-chief spokesman of the Obasanjo Presidency who later became a minister—first of Culture and later of Aviation.
The Obasanjo era, from 1999 to 2007, saw the reign of demonic power. Evil thrived in the land and demons were unleashed on our society through perfidy, violence and corruption. The greatest tragedy wrought on our national existence as a country manifested in that calamitous administration that held sway for eight years. It was a period when the powers that be and their shameless minions broke all records in recklessness, rascality and impunity. Fani-Kayode was at the top of the ladder of that regime’s evil agents.
The tragic chapter in our national history has given rise to a new era that is superficially trying to go the opposite direction of the Obasanjo dispensation. But the Umar Yar’Adua government is trapped in the contradiction of the scandalous election that gave birth to it even as it seeks to demonstrate the least semblance of credibility. It has upturned many of its predecessor’s obnoxious transactions, changed policies, and pledged to offer better government. But it has not done much to unmask the evil that the likes of Fani-Kayode perpetrated. ( Continues below..... )
Photo Above: Femi Fani-Kayode (Right)
The two institutions that are now making considerable progress in returning power and confidence to the citizenry in Nigeria are the media and the judiciary. Some people within these two sectors are constantly raising the bar of accountability in the affairs of government and their agents.
In my opinion, the era of hypocrisy clothed in eloquent rhetoric is still far from over, as monstrously dark elements still exist in the Nigerian judiciary and mass media. That is why people like me who witnessed some of the savage acts of those in government owe a duty to speak up, to reveal the truth and unmask evil actors.
On or about August 26, 2006, two of the top representatives of the Nigerian intelligence and law enforcement community appeared before the senate to be grilled on the state of insecurity in the nation. The two were Col Kayode Are (rtd), the erstwhile Director General of the SSS, and Mr Sunday Ehindero, the erstwhile Inspector General of Police (IGP). While the myriad problems facing the Nigeria Police are easy for even a street vendor to discuss, Colonel Are of the SSS, who is known for his eloquence and charisma, must have bedazzled the legislators with fabulous security jargon spiced with befuddling terminologies. One pictures the legislators giving him a standing ovation (the type that was prevalent during the 2007 legislative screening of ministerial nominees). Furthermore, the legislators must have absolved the erstwhile DG of the SSS on the perilous security situation in Nigeria.
But those of us who were members of the SSS itself have a different perception of the erstwhile DG SSS. His beguiling presentation to the National Assembly could not have impressed us or discerning observers.
The fact is that the SSS under Colonel Are was a colossal failure. Under his direction, the SSS he led for eight years was complicit in extra-judicial killings. When he brazenly declared his knowledge of the existence of KILLER SQUADS IN SEVERAL STATES IN NIGERIA, he masked the fact that the SSS he commanded was at the heart of those killer squads.
Colonel Are even asserted that he had written intelligence reports on the topic. He thereby passed the buck to his colleague, the ex-IGP, who claimed he was still expecting such a report despite officially requesting for the said document. The DG of the SSS claimed that the SSS was solely responsible for ‘security intelligence’ while his police colleague was mandated to deal with ‘crime intelligence’. It was balderdash, pure and simple. Is there any threat to security that eventually is not a crime in our statute and criminal code? Does the SSS lack the power to arrest, search, detain, investigate and prosecute? The answer is obvious: the SSS does have those powers as enshrined by the constitution. Its powers are even extended under a statute signed into law by Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar on May 23rd 1999. Called INSTRUMENT NO. 1 of May 23rd, 1999, the statute stipulates the roles of the SSS to include ‘SUCH OTHER RESPONSIBILITIES AFFECTING INTERNAL SECURITY WITHIN NIGERIA AS THE PRESIDENT AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF MAY DEEM NECESSARY.’ It also gave the SSS POWERS TO COVER CRIMES AGAINST THE ECONOMY, VETTING OF WOULD-BE GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES, PROTECTION OF V.I.Ps, MAINTENANCE OF LAW AND ORDER, PREVENTION AND DETECTION OF CRIMES AGAINST NATIONAL SECURITY’. Note that the underlined gave the SSS additional functions that intersected with, and in many cases were the same as, those of the police. I am not aware that that statute was EVER REPEALED or AMENDED.
The new DG SSS has lent more credence to the disgraceful and catastrophically woeful performance of his predecessor’s leadership of the SSS as he posited that the “SSS is now positioned to OPERATE WITHIN THE RULE OF LAW AND IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE TENETS OF DEMOCRACY”. It makes one wonder what the SSS was practicing under Col. Kayode Are for eight good years, with billions of taxpayers’ funds at its disposal. Was there no rule of law in Nigeria at the time? Was there no democracy in Obasanjo’s 1999-2007 rulership? Whilst the SSS must have achieved something good in this dark, unfortunate and grizzly era, the agency achieved notoriety on account of all the wars it waged against journalists, media houses and anyone who carried a camera. With countless media men harassed, arrested and whisked away on trumped up charges, the SSS under Col. Kayode Are left a legacy of repression unmatched by even the most dreaded military regime in Nigeria’s history. Yet again, the number of politically motivated UNSOLVED assassinations reached historically unmatched records in comparison with all the previous governments in the 39 years preceding 1999.
The Nigerian media have been awash lately with the sensationally gruesome tales and confessions from the so-called late Gen. Sani Abacha’s killer squad. President Musa Yar’adua has ordered the re-opening of investigation into high-profile unsolved assassinations, of which the assassination of the late Bola Ige, a serving Attorney General of the Federation, topped the list.
Yar’adua has also ordered and re-ordered the withdrawal of police detail attached to VIPs. He has decried the crime wave in Nigeria and has globe trotted seeking aid for the bastardized Nigeria Police Force. There is even talk at legislative quarters of ascertaining the activities of the dreaded Strike Force which was supposedly disbanded at the inception of Obasanjo’s administration but which is now believed to have been in operation and ‘useful’ to Obasanjo’s administration according to the infamous Sgt Barnabas Jabila a.k.a Sgt Rogers.
It beats my imagination how these cold-blooded killers and conspirators somehow managed to find a conscience, confess their evil deeds and become government ‘star prosecution witnesses’ against a select crop of suspects, who incidentally held key positions and roles in the government of the late Gen Sani Abacha.
Were these heinous crimes borne out of the unilateral decisions of the accused persons standing trial? Or were they OFFICIAL EXECUTIVE DECISIONS sanctioned by the regime of Gen Sani Abacha, which drew its strength from the PROVISIONAL RULING COUNCIL (PRC) of which Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, the mid-wife of our current so-called NASCENT/ FLEDGING DEMOCRACY, was a senior ranking and serving member?
Gen Sani Abacha is dead and gone, and now some of the trigger-happy men have miraculously started singing. A lot of the confessing hitmen are not only under Federal Government protective custody but have also implicated a few others. Meanwhile, a Nigerian Federal Court at the instance of the Obasanjo administration barred Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar from making any disclosures on any matter relating to his administration or his predecessor’s. The government’s new desire for secrecy is rationalized by invoking the PUBLIC OFFICER’S PROTECTION ACT, OFFICIAL SECRECY ACT and a plethora of Acts which in themselves use clauses like ‘PUBLIC INTEREST’ and ‘CLASSIFIED MATTER’ to contradict section 36 (1) of the 1999 constitution of Nigeria, which gives citizens ‘rights to receive and input ideas and information without interference.’
Should one be surprised that Obasanjo, who himself is widely believed to be a victim of a draconian system of human rights violations, would constitute part of the instrumentality to a suspect OFFICIAL SECRECY?
To my understanding, this very ‘gag order’ issued by that Nigerian Federal Court invariably lent credence to the notion that any and all of the actions in the privy of Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar as Head of State or member of the then PRC, fell under EXECUTIVE DECISIONS AND OFFICIAL ACTIONS OF THE STATE, which included human rights violations and abuses, UNLAWFUL ORDERS and STATE SPONSORED ASSASSINATIONS.
Lest I forget: just recently, the Federal Government of Nigeria, which was not a party to an on-going civil suit filed in the USA against Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar over human rights violations, reportedly appeared on the scene as a knight in shining armor, to rescue the beleagured general by paying an undisclosed amount as settlement to the plaintiffs in that suit. That jumbo payment brought the legal tussle matter to a blissful end.
Perhaps I should give Chief Obasanjo some credit. After all, under his administration, motions were made in passing THE FREEDOM OF INFORMATION BILL. Curiously, Obasanjo bluntly refused to sign the bill into law, citing the need to further ‘define’ and ‘delineate’ the aspect of SECURITY. ‘Security’ is no doubt the umbrella under which despotic regimes have hidden to perpetrate all sorts of evil, while shielded by crafty incongruent statutes to avoid being accountable. If many of the so-called ‘security’ or ‘classified’ materials in the government’s custody were to be de-classified with some level of censorship as is done in the USA and many other parts of the world, the public would be treated to hilarious discoveries that border on triviality and ridiculousness. Included under the classified tomes are many mundane matters that are ABSOLUTELY IRRELEVANT AND WITH NO DIRECT CONNECTION TO THE INTERNAL SECURITY OF NIGERIA.
I am an ex-SSS officer turned amateur boxer. In September 2007, I gave an exclusive interview to Saharareporters which provoked presidential spokesman, Mr Olusegun Adeniyi, to term my statements, in one of two of his private emails to me, as ‘libellous’, ‘nonsense’ and ‘allusions’.
I was surprised that he didn’t take his vituperations to the public realm, as many Nigerian government functionaries (both serving and past) are wont to do. I was also surprised that, despite claiming to be scandalized, Mr. Adeniyi did not fire the famous rhetoric or threaten court action to “defend his good name.”
He was proud to declare in his emails to me that Femi Fani- Kayode called him to apologize over the ‘phone stalking and threatening’ incident and one Chief Omisore (a biological cousin of the globally famed senator, Otunba Iyiola Omisore of the Bola Ige murder saga) brought the phone stalker lady in question to his office to beg for her and Femi Fani-Kayode’s behalf. According to Mr. Adeniyi, “that was the end of that matter”.
In my response to Mr. Adeniyi, I praised his public spiritedness over the incident in question, citing where he was quick to use the public as a shield to hold Femi Fani-Kayode accountable for his safety. Yet, when Femi Fani-Kayode apologized in person and sent one Chief Omisore and the lady to reinforce his contrition, Adeniyi conveniently didn’t seem to be under any moral obligation to disclose these apologies to the same public on whose platform, according to him, he “fought and won”.
It is now obvious that Mr Olusegun Adeniyi had answers to some of my earlier ‘allusions’. In my opinion he is a clear example of an individual who needs more education on the concept of ‘PUBLIC INTEREST’, which is randomly debased in Nigeria. My poser to the presidential spokesman was this: I wonder what other disclosures he is yet to make, what disclosures he has conveniently not told the public and what other issues of public concern and interest, he has tidily foreclosed as “end of that matter”. The two well-timed colossal tragedies that visited Mr. Segun Adeniyi’s THISDAY newspaper in the form of an inferno and the cold-blooded assassination of Godwin Agbroko are still begging for answers. Yet, Adeniyi already suggests the “end of that matter”
It seems matters for public knowledge must either be selected for the strategic convenience of government or some powerful interests, or must be censored under obnoxious and incongruous statutes through the courts.
Attached here-in is the contentious back page article that Mr Olusegun Adeniyi wrote on the phone threatening and stalking incident TITLED ASO ROCK AND THE ‘ANONYMOUS’ CALLER. The piece was published on 31st January 2004. When I asked Adeniyi and his THISDAY NEWSPAPER crew for a copy of the column, they could not provide it, despite their pledges to do so. Marked as DOCUMENT 1
Aso Rock and the 'Anonymous' Caller
By Olusegun Adeniyi
On my way home on Thursday night in a taxi (my car had broken down during the day), I got what I initially thought was a routine call. The lady at the other end who gave her name as Funke said she wanted to speak with Olusegun Adeniyi and I replied that she was speaking to him. The first thing she said was : "I read your piece today, I think you are a brilliant guy". I smiled to myself and said "thank you Ma". If a lady tells you that you are brilliant, would you not be happy? That was why I was totally unprepared for what came next. "But you are homosexual and a pagan who God will destroy."
Without waiting for me to recover from the accusation, she went into a monologue of how the devil has been using me against President Olusegun Obasanjo, "anointed by God to rule Nigeria". She said I have never seen anything good in the President and some of his aides who are equally anointed of God, while I had allowed myself to become an instrument in the hands of the devil.
Because I have become familiar with that sort of accusation, I presumed she was a genuine supporter of the President who felt I was being too harsh on the man and there are actually people like that who call me on phone (I don't even know how they get my number) to either abuse or advise me. It is a situation I confront all the time. But this one was different because she was very hysterical. As I tried to defend myself against the charge of being anti-Obasanjo, the lady shouted on me: "keep quiet, you this homosexual bastard. That is why you defended a homosexual in your stupid piece. You claim to be a Christian and you are writing in support of homosexual unbelievers while you attack anointed men of God. God will punish you."
Unable to take it anymore, I dropped the phone. But I was worried. My worry stemmed from the fact that if she indeed is a Christian and she believes I am a homosexual and has been working against Obasanjo, I reasoned that I ought to defend myself. I could sense she was angry about the piece and I tried to see how I attacked the President when I merely reviewed the open letter sent by Col. Abubakar Dangiwa Umar (rtd) to President Obasanjo on his own reading of the state of the nation. If anything, I upbraided Umar for his uncivil language. Many people had indeed called me in the course of the day to argue that Umar was right and I was wrong for 'defending' the President. All my explanations that we should respect the man and his office fell on deaf ears and here I was being attacked for being anti-Obasanjo. You can never win in this business.
Incidentally, shortly before the lady called, I had spoken with Mrs Remi Oyo, Special Assistant to the President on Media Affairs, a thoroughbred professional we all have respect for. She complained that even while it was good for me to highlight that Umar's language was unhelpful, I was not particularly fair to the President while the review of the performance of the administration was not in any way balanced. She particularly took exception to the title of the column, Obasanjo Versus Dangiwa Umar, arguing that the President has, notwithstanding the provocation, deliberately refused to join issues with Umar, hence I ought to have left him out of the controversy. I saw the point in her argument but explained the context of my piece and we ended the conversation on a convivial note. Mrs Oyo is one person who likes to make friends of enemies through the power of persuasion, that is why we all love and respect her and almost all editors do, even though there is also the sentiment that she was our President before she went to Aso Rock.
The lady, my tormentor that is, who was using a number she did not disguise (08034091519), perhaps for me to know she meant business called again to rain more curses on me for being "a homosexual who wants to bring the Obasanjo government down to satisfy some pay masters". The aspect of being paid against Obasanjo did not bother me. In Nigeria, somebody must pay somebody to do something- that is the usual charge when there is no defence to a position. I had, however, been accused of so many things before but never homosexual and it disturbed me. Besides, I don't hate this President, as the lady claimed, and he knows. In any case, I had just spoken with Mrs Oyo. So I decided to send the lady a text message, implying that I am not unfamiliar with those in Aso Rock. I felt she was crying more than the bereaved, not knowing she was actually the 'bereaved'.
At this stage, I was still na‹ve to think I was dealing with an innocent caller. This was the text I sent her leaving out a few things for obvious reasons: "Because you claim to be a Christian, I believe I should educate you about me so you can check me out. I attend Redeemed Christian Church of God, a Worker, married with three kids. Not gay. But my faith does not teach me to judge people I don't know so I would not jump into conclusions about you but then you have created an impression. You even cursed me when you don't know me. Yet you claimed to be a Christian! On the piece, many people from the Villa, including Mrs Oyo have called to thank me. (I stretched the truth here thinking I was dealing with an outsider). Fani-Kayode was not sent and even if Umar is...it is demeaning to use Presidential letter-head for that kind of statement. I believe Christian leaders should be helped as stated in the Bible and I help OBJ. But I don't judge people on the religion they profess because, as I said in my piece, if God were to mark iniquity who can stand?...I am working my own salvation with fear and trembling. You hurt me deep but my God will fight for me. God bless you".
All these transpired while I was still in the taxi on my way home and some minutes after I sent the long message, she called again. I was excited that there was truce at last, I thought she would have seen my point of view, knowing I meant no harm. But I was wrong. The first thing she said was; "I got your message, you this bloody homosexual, you are very stupid to write me and I will get your mail to all the people you are lying about, you idiot". She banged the phone on me. I was so disturbed I did not know what to do because I had not dealt with a situation like this before.
While I was still ruminating on what to do, the lady struck again by way of a long text message. Here it is: "Go to hell and stop disturbing me. You will lose because you are fighting against anointed men. The President is anointed, Fani-Kayode is anointed and all those in the Villa are solidly behind them, including Remi Oyo. If anyone tells you otherwise and you believe them, you are an even bigger fool than I thought. Then you don't know OBJ as I know him. He is a fighter and he takes this Umar's thing very seriously indeed, take it from me. Andy Uba and Fani-kayode are like sons to him now. You are a fool to think otherwise. OBJ can never deny Fani-Kayode because OBJ is a good man. You know nothing about what is going on or what all this is all about. It is bigger than you think and by the way, be under no illusions, you are despised in the Villa. God will punish you for the envy you have for Mr President and Fani-Kayode. Ask THE HOLY SPIRIT (her emphasis)."
With this, I knew I had trouble on my hands and when I got home, everybody could see instantly that something was wrong. I told them immediately and quite naturally, my own family also began to invoke the name of the Holy Spirit to ward off any evil machination from the woman. Before I could settle down, the phone rang and it was the lady again. I put the handset on speaker so everyone could hear the message: "You are a Goliath but our David will destroy you in Jesus name". She rang off.
Then, just as it happens in movies when a mystery is solved at the very end, Mrs Oyo called: "Segun, did you send a text message to a lady? Femi (Fani-Kayode) just showed me a text you sent to a lady where you said I spoke with you."
With that, the jigsaw fell into place. In November last year, when THISDAY published an interview with Mr. Fani-Kayode in the Saturday paper, the editor, in the attempt to show the glaring inconsistencies and opportunism in the position of the man who now occupies the office of Special Assistant to the President on Public Affairs, also published a write-up the same Mr. Fani-Kayode did in COMET two years ago where he abused and rained curses on the President.
Apparently hurt by the reproduction of what he wrote in the past, he sent a fiery text message to the editor and Mr Eddy Odivwri, the Assistant Editor who conducted the interview, raining curses on them because, as he said, they wanted to destroy the Lord's anointed (meaning himself). But because Eddy replied him by explaining that he meant no harm, Mr. Fani-Kayode followed up with three different text messages which we copied. All were sent on November 8, 2003 from his mobile phone number.
But the interesting aspect is that there was also, on that day, this text message to Eddy from 08034091519, the same person who has been stalking me: "I don't know this man, but you don't know the number of people that are praying for Femi Fani-Kayode. God will surely visit his wrath on you and all others..."
I have done my investigation of that number and the conclusion is that except Mr Fani-Kayode and his alter ego are acting alone, we are back to the dark days of General Sani Abacha. I have the log of all the calls the lady made from her Pay As You Go MTN line Thursday evening (especially the ones she placed in between her five calls to me at 8.23 PM, 8.40 PM, 8.50 PM, 9.41 PM and 9.42 PM) as well as the (same) person she spoke to repeatedly on November 8 last year when she sent Eddy her text message. Because with modern technology, all this childish shenanigan can easily be exposed!
I did not attack Mr Fani-Kayode in my piece which was critical of the language deployed by Umar in his letter to the President and the tone of the response from the Presidency which I considered unbecoming. And I did not in any way attack the person of the President for whom I have tremendous respect.
In any case, Mr Fani-Kayode had said in his lengthy response to Umar for the benefit of all reporters: "If at any time, no matter how big or how small, anyone decides to throw one hundred bricks and insults at Mr. President, I, as his Special Assistant on Public Affairs, reserves the right, if I deem fit, to respond in anyway, at any time and in any medium that I see fit. That is my job. That is what I am paid to do...my position today is: If you attack my principal, you must be ready to be exposed."
This is fair enough. For a man with such conviction, one would expect that if he felt aggrieved by what I wrote and would want to expose the 'fact' that I did so because I am 'homosexual' or paid to write the piece he would take the free opportunity of his "Right of Reply" which we hold sacred at THISDAY to join issues with me. But he did not.
Instead, Mr. Fani-Kayode gave a lady my number to be stalking me. That is a sign of desperation. And desperate people are known to be very dangerous. That is why I am placing the issue in the public domain. In case anything happens to me...
While the confessions of Sgt Rogers and his co-travelers continue to evoke bewilderment, the so-called ex-assassins canvassed many reasons for their criminal involvement in these state sponsored assassinations. The reasons range from FEAR OF BEING KILLED, FEAR OF LOSS OF JOBS, FEAR OF PERSECUTION, LOYALTY TO A SUPPOSED PATRIOTIC CALL and many more. In every regimented organization, be it armed forces, law enforcement, military or para-military, disobedience to a LAWFUL ORDER is a serious offence. However, an UNLAWFUL ORDER is not only void ab initio but UNLAWFUL as the word implies.
From my knowledge of the secret service the world over, its strength is not in might or numeric presence, but in pro-activeness, secrecy and covertness. On the issue of covertness, no security agency would ever assign a covert operation to an operative by fiat. The operative must first display the propensity for various magnitudes of covert assignments and will at his/her freewill nominate to oblige or decline any covert operation, particularly when it breaches the law and when those ORDERS ARE UNLAWFUL.
Is there more to all these confessions than meet the eye? Are there many more deep, dark and grizzly revelations shackled away and guarded by obnoxious statutes, debilitating public access and scrutiny of government affairs? I am certain there are and I am also certain that if any of the accused currently standing trial for the murder of Kudirat Abiola and the attempted murder of Alex Ibru suddenly start singing a different tune (like the type characterized by Olugbenga Damola Adebayo a.k.a Fryo’s volte face in the late Bola Ige murder saga) such an individual may never make it out of custody alive.
In any case, all the reasons they have posited, are reasons and realities that I also faced in the past—and even now face in a different dimension. Yet, I refused to be FEMI FANI-KAYODE’S ASSASSIN.
In March 2003, I was dispatched with another SSS operative on VIP protective duties to Femi Fani-Kayode. It was our understanding that the Director General of the State Security Services (herein referred to as DG SSS) was responding to an assassination attempt on Femi Fani-Kayode who was then a member of the Obasanjo-Atiku campaign organization.
Within weeks of this assignment, Femi Fani-Kayode elected to retain me as his Chief Security Officer (C.S.O). From my background in the SSS, he was aware that I was decorated as OVERALL BEST IN UNARMED COMBAT in my 2000 training cadre, proficient in weapons handling and marksmanship and was twice a security detail to the erstwhile Akwa Ibom State Governor, Obong Victor Attah, and had a record of very challenging operations and assignments I had excelled at in the past.
He was also aware that as a VIP protective detail, it was my supreme duty to ensure his protection and that of his family even if it meant at the expense of my life. This is a professional creed that I uphold as a protective security detail, but in Fani-Kayode’s thinking, this meant ABSOLUTE LOYALTY TO HIM. How mistaken he was.
A few weeks into my service as his C.S.O, things started unraveling one after another. I discovered that the story of an assassination attempt on him as published in the print media was a hoax. It was contrived by Fani-Kayode with the assistance of his friends and contacts in the media. It was his intention to attract President Obasanjo’s sympathy to provide him with elite state protection. Femi Fani- Kayode’s insatiable desire for power was to manifest in much greater magnitude, as I was soon to realize.
Fani-Kayode was later to make a written request to the Nigerian Police. After making calls to the Police Headquarters at the highest hierarchy, the then Deputy Commissioner Operations (D.C OPS), Lagos state Police command, Mr John Haruna, was directed to approve Fani-Kayode’s request for high police protection. Subsequently, mobile policemen were assigned to his residence on shift duties.
Even prior to getting both SSS and police protection, Fani-Kayode was obsessed with personal security. His previous security consisted of four security men (known in Nigerian parlance as‘mai-guards’) of Niger Republic origin who manned his heavily fortified gate; two young daytime security hands courtesy of the Odua People’s Congress OPC (who later withdrew their services in protest); and about nine viciously trained guard dogs that were released on patrol only after midnight.
With this ‘absolute loyalty’ misconception in the mind of Femi Fani-Kayode, next came the task of understanding his thought process. His propensity for violence, his ill temperament and impulsiveness were unrivalled by anything I had ever seen before. Cooks, cleaners, cab drivers, stewards, laborers, craftsmen and employees who dared to ask for their unpaid wages or requested to leave his employment, were thoroughly brutalized by him. In addition, these domestic staff were routinely arrested and detained by the police on trumped up charges ranging from stealing, spying, to posing a ‘security risk’ to Fani-Kayode.
Right inside his physically well-fortified abode, I witnessed the most horrific and bizarre aspect of the man’s twisted mind: torture sessions, which he personally carried out on individuals in his premises. One of the victims is Atkins Fani-Kayode, his biological older brother, a London trained lawyer. Atkins Fani-Kayode had remained a prisoner under Femi Fani-Kayode’s tyrannical imprisonment since 2001, locked in his younger brother’s dingy boys’ quarters and tortured on a weekly basis. Atkins was heavily monitored on a round-the-clock basis and denied access to the outside world. His life, freedom and dignity were simply snatched away from him.
Femi Fani-Kayode would occasionally allow his brother to visit his main living quarters to watch his interviews on national television and interact with his guests. But Atkins’ occasional visits to the main house were done under the strictest and most stringent guidelines. Femi always warned him beforehand to watch his comments. Often, Femi would say, “If you make one stupid comment, I’ll skin you alive.” The trepid gentleman knew the harsh consequences that awaited him if he erred by speaking of his captivity.
On numerous occasions Femi and Atkins Fani-Kayode’s sisters would telephone from London and ask to speak with Atkins. Before Femi handed the phone to his older brother, he would order him, under duress and threat of torture, to speak in a happy tone and to respond in monosyllables to their sisters’ enquiries. He was ordered to state that he was doing okay and that Femi was taking good care of him.
As I write, it is uncertain if Femi did not eventually kill Atkins. I often worry that Atkins Fani-Kayode might have been tortured to death. But if that kind, intelligent and peaceful gentleman is dead, I pray that someone somewhere will ask a court to cause for his body to be exhumed from wherever it has been buried, be it in Nigeria or Ghana (where Femi Fani-Kayode has considerable business investment and had planned to banish his elder sibling to). The least that will be discovered is a couple of broken bones or a cracked skull, even though I am most certain that an autopsy would have already been manufactured, to state the cause of death as an ‘ailment’ or ‘natural’. The full story of Mr Atkins Fani-Kayode’s journey into his younger brother’s (Femi Fani-Kayode) captivity is yet lined up, for another day.
Another victim of Femi’s savagery was a male domestic staff (who will remain anonymous for now, until a later time). He worked and resided in Fani-Kayode’s house, but eventually became a prisoner on forced labor against his will for more than a month. He was often used as guinea pig to test the aggression and combat-readiness of two of Femi Fani-Kayode’s most vicious canines, all for Fani-Kayode’s amusement. The captive young man regularly sustained serious bite injuries from these dogs. That young man’s dramatic escape later provoked the mother of all police manhunts on heavily trumped up charges by Fani-Kayode. That epic story is for another day.
Femi Fani-Kayode’s sordid libidinous degeneracy was another issue. He has an unbridled penchant for housemaids and a perverse impulse for sexual exploitation of young lady-employees in any establishment, no matter how lowly. He entertained himself to sexual orgies on an almost daily basis at various hotels in Apapa, one sharing the same fence with his residence and a couple more just down the street. A quarrel between Femi Fani-Kayode and one of his women of easy virtues in the privacy of a hotel room could lead to a telephone call to the DG SSS, Col Kayode Are (rtd) or the Police H/Q. The attendant consequence was immediate arrests and detentions of innocent people just going about minding their own business. His sexual assaults on his wife’s housemaids were constant. The traumatized victims were summarily branded ‘possessed’ and sent for ‘deliverance’ at the nearby Mountain of Fire Church/Ministries at Marine Road Apapa, Lagos whose members regularly came to offer prayers for Fani-Kayode at his residence. Some of the prayer warriors would soon after be arrested and detained by the police on fictitious charges leveled by Fani-Kayode.
It was indeed a theatre of unfathomable depravity and absurdity. Sometimes I hoped that there would be some respite and logic from Femi’s born again, speaking-in-tongue, cherub-faced, God-fearing, Ghanaian-born wife Regina Fani-Kayode (nee Amoo), a deaconess.
But she was a little terror in her own right. By her decree, no maid/chef dared taste of the food they assisted her to cook, but must feed and purchase their own food from outside. When calls from the Fani-Kayode sisters resident in London, this “deaconess” would be all sweet charm as she lied, “Atkins just went out.”
She was the proprietress of MENU INTERNATIONAL BAR/RESTAURANT situated at No 7 Randle Road Apapa, Lagos, an establishment inherited from the late Chief Remi Fani-Kayode. (The building is now a church). This outfit was another conduit for all sorts of arbitrariness as staff who demanded unpaid wages were branded thieves, accused of misappropriating some bottles of beer, and summarily arrested and detained by Femi Fani-Kayode’s police stooges at the Apapa Area command on the instruction of ‘Madam’ Fani-Kayode. Madam’s ‘holy-holy’ was absolutely at face value indeed.
As a Presidential Special Assistant, Fani-Kayode was a name that provoked panic and terror in Apapa. Directors of SSS could not cross paths with him, and no AIG would decline his request. After all, he was on direct dial with the President and the entire top echelon of the Intelligence community.
There was a case of one Musa Leshi, who worked for ‘Madam’ at MENU INTERNATIONAL. He had been owed wages and was keen on quitting and requested his wages with intention to quit. Incidentally, two environmental sanitation notices were served to ‘Madam’ Fani-Kayode through MENU INTERNATIONAL, which she promptly ignored as ‘rubbish’ and ‘an insult’.
As Musa agitated for his wages, Madam put out a call to Femi Fani-Kayode’s police stooges. Those stooges were on the move to arrest and detain Musa at the instance of ‘Madam’ Fani-Kayode when the hand of fate struck on 28/7/03 as the Lagos State Environment Agency swooped in on MENU INTERNATIONAL with a warrant and arrested Musa Leshi charging him to court instantly for sanitation law violation committed by MENU INTERNATIONAL, which the proprietor ‘Madam’ Fani-Kayode should have been liable for. Madam greeted the news of Musa’s predicament with joy. It was now unnecessary for the police boys to go after Musa as she called them off. As far as she and Femi Fani-Kayode were concerned, he could rot in prison custody for all they cared.
While pretending to be out on a purchase, I raced to the court premises and secured a surety and N5000 cash, just in the nick of time to effect Musa Leshi’s bail before he would be remanded in prison custody awaiting trial. The heavily traumatized Musa Leshi had just encountered a close shave with calamity and could not thank his stars enough for his freedom. A recent AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT on Nigeria seriously lampooned the Nigerian criminal justice system where people are thrown en masse into prison custody awaiting trial for the flimsiest of charges, yet they suffer ‘awaiting trial’ for many years, while many die. Is the reason as exemplified by this incident not obvious? FIND ATTACHED THE ORIGINAL BAIL BOND COPY IN THAT INCIDENT MARKED AS :
Then came another incident in October 2003, when the Lagos State Valuation Office sent an inspection team to Femi Fani-Kayode’s residence. As the official notice from the team reached Femi Fani-Kayode and as the team waited outside to confirm a suitable date for their assignment with the owner of the property, Fani Kayode was incensed at their audacity as he declared his residence a “Presidential building”. He immediately put a call out to the highest police authorities alleging that he was under siege by unknown assailants armed and numbering more than 10. In no time, a crack team of policemen was dispatched to the rescue and en route to his premises. Meanwhile he had ordered the mobile policemen in his premises to be confined as he instructed his dog tender to release two of his most vicious canines on stand-by. While the evaluation team was outside his gate innocently awaiting a confirmation from the owner of the property, they were absolutely oblivious to the dangers they were in on two fronts.
I visualized the disaster that would have ensued, if the trigger happy, combat-ready crack police squad, eager to rescue “Baba’s Boy” had met with the evaluation team waiting outside Femi Fani-Kayode’s gate. The evaluation team would have vehemently and boldly confronted the cops on the confidence that they were performing their lawful duties. As was typical of the Nigerian police, with ‘marching orders to intercept and gun down the ‘UNKNOWN ASSAILANTS,’ there would certainly have been little room for inquiries in such an encounter.
I desperately appealed to Fani-Kayode to allow me dialogue with the evaluation team, which he reluctantly obliged and the dogs were called off. I spoke with the evaluation team outside and hurriedly escorted them back to their office where a later date and time was fixed for Fani-Kayode to go there and provide information to sort out the evaluation of his property. Incidentally, we drove past an unmarked police wagon, filled with the combat ready cops. As the police crack squad arrived, Fani-Kayode maintained that the ‘unknown assailants’ had fled from his gate. A nasty scenario was thankfully averted. Attached is the notice sent by the LAGOS STATE VALUATION OFFICE TEAM that enraged Femi Fani-Kayode marked as :
There were many more horrendous tales during this period April-November 2003, but this piece is about the most sinister sides of this journey where-in many would-be victims did not even know how close they were to their own deaths as a consequence of Fani-Kayode’s psycho–erratic whims.
Barely two days after my first interview with Saharareporters was published, a historically unprecedented event happened. Six of Yar’adua’s cabinet ministers rejected SSS protection, among them the Attorney General of the Federation, Michael Aondoakaa whose comments and activities upon the inception of this administration continue to evoke bewilderment, shock and consternation all over the globe.
My question to these ministers is this: ARE THESE THE SAME OR EVEN WORSE INDISCRETIONS THAT THEY ARE AFRAID WILL BECOME INTELLIGENCE REPORTS BY THE ASSIGNED SSS DETAILS THEY REJECTED?
I was too smart to write any intelligence report to the SSS on him, for him or about him because it was utterly useless and twice the more dangerous. Fani-Kayode himself, knowing how effective intelligence reports by SSS operatives were, had many at times tried to use me to write intelligence reports that would implicate and cause serious harassment for his enemies (people he had petty libidinous squabbles and trivial disagreements with). He failed woefully as I assured him that his ‘telephone direct line to power’ was faster and more effective than an Intelligence report that would require processing and other bureaucracies. That is how I tactfully wriggled out of the witch-hunting trap.
Seeing how Fani-Kayode had unlimited access to President Obasanjo, the heads of security agencies and the entire intelligence community, whom he was on direct dial to, at any time, on any issue and with any claim, I knew this was the last bus-stop for me. No one who knew Femi Fani-Kayode well enough to witness or know his indiscretions would end a relationship with him without reprisals and consequences. His FEAR WAS EXPOSURE, PARTICULARLY IN THE MEDIA. When Fani-Kayode exploded with rage, he offered and was ready to provide any material resource to enable his rage to be pacified. When a situation arose and he refused to heed my appeal for calm and dialogue, I’d simply step back and maintain an observer status as he deployed his police stooges to fix his would-be innocent victims with harassment, arrests and detentions.
As I make these revelations, I am sure Fani-Kayode who has already vowed to have me and my Caucasian wife killed now knows how and why most of the would-be innocent victims outside his residence managed to evade getting into harm’s way. I am sure his vile friend, the erstwhile DG SSS Col Kayode Are (rtd), must have directed all sorts of security circulars and directives all over Nigeria targeting me for immediate arrest and incarceration, shortly before his sordid reign over the SSS came to an unceremonious end. There are probably a couple of hired guns too with a contract out on me. Whether alive or in the grave, my passion is to expose these unthinkable atrocities and pray that someone somewhere will be bold enough not just to answer the name of ‘reputed Human Rights Crusader’ but will stand up to provoke that Femi Fani-Kayode’s innocent victims, scattered all over the country, be given access to legal representation and counsel, if only for the purpose of pursuing justice for the traumatic afflictions he wrought on them. For my would-be assassins, wherever you see me, please feel free to take your best shot but be rest assured that my dream for justice and retribution for these unthinkable evils will live on, long after me.
With the wrong assumption of blind loyalty and his delusion of grandeur and omnipotence, Fani-Kayode trusted me absolutely and now openly solicited for the murder of some citizens.
The first was Col. Abubakar Umar in mid-2003. He desperately wanted Umar shot and killed for the crime of his incessant attacks on Obasanjo. Next was Mrs. Oluremi Oyo, the Senior Special Adviser to President Obasanjo on Media. Next was Mr Ekundayo Asaju, a journalist who ran GOOFS AND GAFFES, OTHER SIDE OF CELEBRITIES column in ENCOMIUM MAGAZINE
In the case of Mrs. Oluremi Oyo who was the senior special Adviser to President Obasanjo on media, Fani-Kayode not only wanted her job as OBJ’s chief image maker (seeing that a Ministerial Appointment in the post OBJ 2003 re-election was not in sight), he believed he was “doing a better job of being vociferous against Obasanjo’s critics and taking the heat for baba”. In fact, he wanted her assassination to be staged to implicate Gen Muhamadu Buhari by placing a BUHARI ANPP campaign Organization Identity card on the scene where she would have been felled in Abuja.
I convinced Fani-Kayode that to perfect these plots to utmost precision, that I would need several weeks of surveillance, casing, city studying, establishing regular commuting routes/daily lifestyle pattern of the targets, set up of strategic monitoring and surveillance points, exit routes, safe houses, contingency plans and alibi locations. These were all counter- security terminologies that impressed Fani-Kayode but inadvertently gave me enough time to allow his desperation to simmer and with weeks of the vague verbal ‘progress reports’ I was feeding him, overtaking events were creating a necessary distraction to reduce his pressure. I put him under the impression that I had a trusted team which he must NEVER meet, that were scattered all over the country, facilitating the processes for these assassinations.
However, there was a pattern that was regular with the people he wanted me to kill. He had his mistress/lover (before her identity was blown—she is the same woman whom Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi had personally met in company of Chief Omisore) to call and threaten the individual by voice or text messages. He also had a few of his police stooges send threatening phone messages to these individuals too. In the attached November 2004 back page write up by Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi marked as DOCUMENT 2, the writer incidentally mentions two people who probably never knew that they were supposed to be at the receiving end of the barrel of an assassin’s gun in 2003: Col Abubakar Umar and Mrs Oluremi Oyo. Mr. Olusegun Adeniyi in his own words analyzed Femi Fani-Kayode thus: “That is a sign of desperation. And desperate people are known to be very dangerous…” Even the vituperations made by the threatening ‘anonymous Aso-Rock Caller’ (now well known to only Mr Segun Adeniyi) gave very chilling allusions and were quite some food for thought, over the same Col Abubakar Umar.
‘Project Col Abubakar Umar’ was agreed to be a much slower and long-term assignment, which I assured him would be most potent when the media attention on Umar’s dispute with President Obasanjo subsided. So it was supposedly on the drawing board.
At this time, it wasn’t usual to accompany Fani-Kayode on his trips to Abuja. But in view of ‘Project Remi Oyo’ I had to fly in and out of Abuja with him, familiarize with the Aso Rock PROTOCOL UNIT, and commence what Fani-Kayode assumed was a detailed background work on her assassination.
Part of this project included accompanying Fani-Kayode to attend the Appeal Court sessions in the post-2003 presidential election case between Buhari and Obasanjo. I sat within four feet from Gen Muhamadu Buhari at the Court of Appeal Abuja, separated by Chief Don Etiebet at one instance and exchanged courtesies with Gen Buhari and Chief Etiebet every time we were in court. Unknown to them, I was supposed to be on a more sinister plot and the grand prize was to surreptitiously lift any item that could identify Gen Buhari or be traced directly to him, or the identity card of a fair skinned gentleman, who appeared to be Gen Buhari’s aide or security detail—a man in his early 30’s, about 5 ft 10” and weighing about 200lbs. He always wore dark goggles.
I assured Fani-Kayode that I needed more time and applied the usual delay tactic.
The last resort was to lift a Buhari ANPP presidential campaign organization I.D card from any of the ANPP supporters that thronged the court in solidarity with Gen. Buhari and ANPP. The idea was to secure a ‘fall-guy’ for the assassination.
The plot was well defined in Femi Fani-Kayode’s mind. Once that I.D card was pick-pocketed and placed at the scene of Mrs. Remi Oyo’s assassination, the man would be arrested. Need I say that the man’s coerced confession would implicate Gen Buhari, who would have been immediately pounced on? The rest would be history.
A most hilarious incident happened on July 2003 while attending the Election Petition suit at the Court of Appeal in Abuja with Fani-Kayode. It was a unique attendance as most of the PDP governors came in solidarity with President Obasanjo who was served a summons a few weeks earlier to give testimony on the suit.
In my observation of Dr Chris Ngige’s small physical frame, I quipped to Fani-Kayode that I was utterly amazed that Dr Chris Ngige was a man of such small physical stature and I believed he could even be abducted from a moving vehicle un-noticed. It was a comic quip, which turned out to have a huge impact on Fani-Kayode’s thinking.
Barely 48 hours after I made that comment to Fani-Kayode, the international media on the morning of 9th July, 2003 announced the abduction of the same Dr Chris Ngige in a most bizarre and controversial circumstance. This completely bedazzled Fani-Kayode who consistently re-iterated to his inner circle of friends how my ‘abduction’ quip could co-incidentally become a reality barely 48hours after saying it. In fact, he was of the impression that I had prior knowledge of Dr Chris Ngige’s abduction and I must be connected to a “powerful covert inner circle at the highest level within the intelligence community” This was no co-incidence in Fani-Kayode’s mind, but this strengthened his resolve that I was the “perfect hit-man and would deliver his assassination plots with stainless precision.”
In all these Abuja and Aso Rock visits, on the surface I was just a C.S.O accompanying his Principal on outings but what Fani-Kayode had up his sleeve was an entirely different matter.
While my vague verbal progress reports and delay tactics seemed to be working on Fani-Kayode, there was one assassination mission that he impatiently contracted a mercenary group to perfect for him. This was in the case of Ekundayo Asaju of ENCOMIUM MAGAZINE
In Ekundanyo Asaju’s column of Tuesday Oct 14,2003, he rebuked Fani-Kayode for lunching a verbal tirade on national television against the person of Adams Oshiomole in the wake of the 2003 labour action over fuel price hike. In that national Television interview, Fani-Kayode described the NLC president as “ill-bred”. Ekundayo Asaju’s sin was that in his column he made an innuendo about “an addiction”. Fani-Kayode spent thousands of Naira to buy off the magazine from the Apapa news stands that weekend without much luck. FIND ATTACHED THE GOOFS AND GAFFES COLUMN REPORT BY EKUNDAYO ASAJU of 14th October 2003 MARKED AS DOCUMENT 2 (C)
SHAME ON OUR DICTATOR
COMRADE Adams Oshiomhole called off the strike and I was glad that finally our arrogant, know it all dictator President had been humbled. I am glad that the man now knows that Nigeria does not belong to him, that we are bigger than his chickens and eggs that he can order around. Imagine everybody begging one man who believes he knows it all. Again I wonder how we made the fatal mistake of voting him in the first and even a "second" time. If he could spend or waste billions on COJA and CHOGOM why must he take it out on Nigerians? One lesson that this experiment has shown is that OBJ should know that he is just a servant of Nigerians and not our master. Thank God he has been humbled. Watching his drab broadcast to the nation for thirty minutes on Wednesday, October 8, 2003 he looked like a well beaten dog with its tail tucked between his legs, a shame air of an unrepentant dictator in a civilian dispensation.
MY MAIN MAN OSHIOMHOLE
- ADAMS Oshiomhole, due to politics might never be given a national honour (after all Gani just got SANship after over two or three decade of being qualified), but I have made him a Grand Commander of the Nigerian Masses (G.C.N.M). Comrade Oshiomhole has proved that he understands the thinking of Nigerians. He has proved that he has compassion for our people. He has also proved that he is beyond' corruption. I salute this man and I hope that in 2007 despite the clamour for the maradona and Atiku, we shall look inwards and pick Adams Oshiomhole to be our president. We must do away with money politics and stand behind Adams Oshiomhole, G.C.N.M. It worked in Poland.
BIG MOUTH FEMI FANl KAYODE
EACH time I hear this guy Femj Fani-Kayode talk he gets on my nerves. He talks with compassion about his master no doubt, but shows he hates Nigerians. He strongly believes only his master is right. I feel sorry for him because posterity will judge him in the same mould as his oga. The other day on NTA2 Channel 5, he abused our dear Comrade Adams Oshiomhole as a man who was not well brought up and therefore, lacking in manners. But we all know whose background is questionable. No Nigerian can say Oshiomhole has ever been treated for any form of addiction, I know Femi will decode this. It’s shameful that a young man like femi who is in government for the first time after struggling so hard to be inside is abusing a man who is fighting for the Nigerian masses. Before picking the wrong target he had earlier thrown his feeble punches at Afenifere, but that Baba just ignored him I think for his late father’s sake. I wish Femi Fani-Kayode luck. The happy ending is that Femi and his boss lost shamefully on the recent fuel hike while Oshiomhole and his colleges won.
ALL HAIL AIT
I am yet to hear AIT won any awards. But the issue yet again is that AIT is the champion of Nigerian masses. Time and again AIT has shown itself the station that has stood on the side of the Nigerian masses. While the other stations will be looking for sponsors to air public oriented programmes AIT will I cancel its advertised programmes to air masses oriented programmes, most times live. AIT and Raymond Dokpesi: are the champions of our democracy, we need more people like him to move Nigeria forward.
NTA, SHAME ON YOU
I am particularly pissed off at NTA particularly Yinka Craig and Sadiq Daba. They spent over three hours every morning during the build up to the suspended strike talking all kinds of rubbish and they did not think it proper to bring Oshiomhole, the NLC President on air to talk about the illegal price hike. Instead, they brought one descript fellow who says he’s Femi Fani-Kayode who was abusing Adams Oshiomhole and they could not caution him. Yinka Carig and Sadiq, you messed up, big time.
For Mr Ekundayo Asaju; Fani-Kayode had agreed that having him shot will be suspicious and the most preferred way, would be to stage his killing as an accident; two methods came to his mind: ARSON and POISONING the central water supply of his residence where-ever he lived.
Fani-Kayode got exasperated with waiting on my regular seemingly unending ‘progress reports’ and fumed with urgency. During one of his regular libidinous binges in an Apapa hotel, he secretly called up some old-time narcotic-day friends, who recommended some mercenary thugs in Apapa to help him ‘fix’ whoever was troubling him. He gave the impression that he needed the thugs to just beat up and roughen somebody, but my insider amongst the group tipped me off and kept me posted with every move that was made in this grizzly affair. Bottom line is that, Ekundayo Asaju would have been killed on the spot, by whatever violent means necessary.
The plot was to lure Ekundayo Asaju out for a scoop with a fictitious British national who was a regular visitor to Nigeria, who was impressed with the journalist’s work and wanted to meet with him for an interview. The easiest and oldest trick in the book to exterminate a journalist eager to get information.
As this plot was revealed to me, I immediately intervened by secretly causing conflicting telephone calls to go to the journalist and to go to the leader of his ‘mercenary squad’ who was funded and equipped with new GSM phones and lines by Fani-Kayode for this project, by ensuring that there was never a time where the Ekundayo Asaju had met with this “British” national at any agreed rendezvous. Ekundayo Asaju was warned, never to pursue a meeting with any individual unknown to him unless it is in broad daylight in his office.
Within a fiery 3-week period, the mercenary group changed the cover identity of the bait and changed the meeting venues Ekundayo Asaju was summoned to several times. As fast as this change was occurring, was how fast I engineered anonymous warnings to Ekundayo Asaju and caused confusion in this dastardly plot. Femi Fani-Kayode became frustrated with his emergency mercenary squad and their constant failure. After all, this plot was contracted in supposed secrecy from me his C.S.O. My inside informant finally confirmed that the project was terminated and deemed a FAILURE, as it was impossible to lure Ekundayo Asaju to his death. He finally resorted back to my more professional approach to this deadly project, which was always loaded with un-ending progress reports, that did not end with a kill.
One full year later, I personally met with Ekundayo Asaju in the end of 2004 and when I mentioned a few important dates to him, he immediately brought out his diary and his phone, showing me the threats he received, the mysterious calls and warnings and a catalogue of strange events, which he had taken note of. He was only to realize then, for the first time how close he was to his death. I continued to be in touch with him over the years and as eager as he was for me to go public, I assured him that the time would be right someday.
Even the devil is said to come into the presence of God and other celestial beings, as a Christian service at Aso Rock Villa chapel on Sunday 9th November 2003, which I attended with Femi Fani-kayode, comes into mind. President Obasanjo took the scriptural reading for the day and in admiration for his late wife Stella Obasanjo stated “that every new day with her, amounted to marrying her again”, while Professor Jerry Gana read the announcements.
We’re back in November 2003 in the thick of assassinations plots, schemes and counter schemes for Mrs. Oluremi Oyo and Ekundayo Asaju when it met a screeching halt, a day after the Sunday 9th November 2003 service at the Aso Rock Villa Chapel.
Fani-Kayode attends a courtesy call by THISDAY SOUTH AFRICA and THISDAY Nigeria Board to President Obasanjo at the State House Abuja and alights from the meeting distraught and disheveled with a Thisday newspaper copy in his hand.
The newspaper copy of 10th November 2003 reported the incident where he allegedly caused for a man to be detained at the Apapa Police station over faulty mobile phones. ATTACHED HERE-IN IS THE NOVEMBER 10TH, 2003 THISDAY NEWSPAPER REPORT OF THE DETENTION INCIDENT MARKED AS DOCUMENT 3
Fani-Kayode in Power Show
• Detains a man at Lagos police station over faulty telephone hand set
By Godwin Ifijeh
Special Assistant to President Olusegun Obasanjo, Mr. Femi Fani-Kayode, has ordered a man to be detained at a Lagos police station all through last week without bail for allegedly selling a faulty telepone hand set to him.
Fani-Kayode, a police source at the Apapa Police Station, where Mr. Nnamdi Uyanna, Treasurer, Apapa Chapter of the Police Community Relations Committee (PCRC), was held since Wednesday last week without bail, had ordered his arrest and detention, leaving strict instruction that the man was not to be released until he so instructed, on the charge that he sold a faulty mobile telephone hand set to him.
As the account had it, the presidential assistant bought the GSM hand set from the hand set dealer in Apapa, used it successfully and sent it back after two weeks to complain that it was faulty. He was said to have told Uyanna to either replace it with a new one or fix it for him, but the PCRC man declined, arguing that he could only have it fixed at his (Fani-Kayode's) expense because he could not tell what happened to it after two weeks of purchasing it from him.
Uyanna's position was said to have angered the president's man, who asked him several times if he knew who he was, before threatening to deal severely with him unless he replaces the hand set or repair it at his own expense.
With the PCRC man not replacing the handset or repairing it, the special assistant was said to have ordered his arrest at the Apapa police station last Wednesday and left strict instruction that the man was not to be released until he so directed.
Realising, who Fani-Kayode was on his arrest, Uyanna was said to have got his people to fix the hand set by last Thursday, but Fani-Kayode's Personal Assistant (PA), who he left behind to monitor the case, was still bent on having the man incarcerated at the station until his boss instructs that he was released.
The man, who was seen behind the canter at the station on Friday afternoon without a dress on, was every inch sombre, and was heard saying openingly: "If I had known that the man was Mr. President's man with powers to make and unmake, I would not have mind even giving him a new hand set, not withstanding the fact that he had used it for two weeks after he bought it before returning to claim that it was faulty and had to be replaced or repaired by me".
Several efforts to reach the Divisional Police Officer (DPO) or the Divisional Crime Officer (DCO) on the incident were futile last Friday as both men were said to be unavailable, but a source at the station said the case had become more political than what was reported against Uyanna at the station. The source, who claimed senior officers of the station were not happy at the situation and had told the P.A. to Fani Kayode to reach his boss and end the matter urgently, said the P.A., even though the hand set man had already repaired their hand set, was still coming to the station to threaten to deal with the man openly before policeman. Neither Fani-Kayode nor his P.A. could be reached for their own side of the story as at press time.
As I mused in my mind and chuckled at the fright and panic that had overwhelmed the usually boisterous and arrogant Fani-Kayode, he immediately suggested that we return to Lagos the next day for him to affect damage control measures. Attached here-in are two ADC plane tickets for flight from Abuja to Lagos on 11th November, 2003, for Femi Fani-Kayode as ‘FANI-KAYODE/CHF’ and me under a cover name of ‘WHITE T.’. MARKED AS and :
Unfortunately for the victim in that saga (Mr Nnamdi Uyanna), his overnight detention in the Apapa police cell, the horrific stories by Femi Fani-Kayode’s police stooges of how extremely powerful ‘Baba’s Boy’ Fani-Kayode was, and the refusal of the senior Police officer who effected his detention to release him on bail had provoked him under extreme panic and anxiety, to write a letter of undertaking and an apology to Fani-Kayode over the incident. This letter in question was in my custody and is what formed the crux of Fani-Kayode’s successful ‘damage control measure’ with the media houses that reported that story. I am very conversant with the event and the facts surrounding it and that issue is yet a story for another day. I still have the original hand-written letter by the victim in that saga, but this in itself, is a revealing story, that will name all the Police and SSS contacts at the top, middle and lower echelons, under Femi Fani-Kayode’s servitude, how he used them and the absurdity that actually led to that incident.
With this successful damage control in the media, Fani-Kayode was emboldened once again and was yet about to unleash a series of arrests and detentions for staffs and anybody whom he felt displeased with.
Five months into this theatre of unfathomable insanity, I knew there was no way to cut off from Fani-Kayode without huge reprisals, thus I started accumulating documentary evidence of his indiscretions and prepared myself for the end of this risky journey and the inevitable battle that was bound to ensue. To that effect, I tendered my resignation from the SSS on 11th September 2003 to the SSS at its National Head HQ (NHQ) Annex Lagos, headed by Mrs. A.Z Sule who was a devoted fan of Fani-Kayode. She posited that he was luring me out with money. I refuted her suggestion and maintained that as my letter had stated, I wanted to go back to private life and further my academic pursuits.
I was however ordered to remain as his C.S.O until my discharge was approved and issued. While I awaited that discharge since September 2003, the cycle of events, close calls and adventure continued till the 10th November, 2003 Thisday newspaper report. Just 11 days after that media report and after a successful spin by Fani-Kayode, I had to intervene in one amongst many dicey situations by buying him a hair cream which he initially commissioned to be purchased for him through a Barber at Avondale Thistle Bar salon situated at 36 Marine road Apapa, just adjacent to his house, where-in he had already sent instructions to have the barber arrested and detained for delaying in purchase of the cream but as usual; on trumped up and fictitious criminal charges.
As he headed for Abuja on the 21st of November 2003, I telephoned the SSS NHQ Annex Ikoyi, Lagos and informed them that I am insurbordinating the orders to remain as his C.S.O and was returning to office duties to await my discharge.
I had stepped in too deep, knew too much and had plenty secrets. The usual road out of such a quagmire is flight, imprisonment through all sorts of fabrications or through a coffin.
After Fani-Kayode had failed to get the SSS to compel my return to him by fiat, his first attack came on 2nd December, 2003 when two of his police stooges telephoned me to inform me that they were in the office of the then DC OPS Lagos State Police Command Mr John Haruna who has summoned me to report to his office immediately. I asked them to tell the super cop DC OPS John Haruna, that if he had any issues with me, he should procure a warrant for my arrest, send me a formal invitation in writing or correspond with the SSS formally and that I had nothing to discuss with him and will not honour such a summon.
Since I was unshaken by the purported DC-OPS Mr John Haruna ‘summon’, another strategy was expectedly on the way.
Fani-Kayode intensified his attack a week after that, in a heavily worded petition to the SSS NHQ Annex Ikoyi Office alleging that I extorted money from a Police Officer whom he freely gave a letter of recommendation. FIND ATTACHED AS :
He also alleged that I was involved in the illegal procurement of live ammunition from some policemen and another policeman duly informed him.
Unknown to me, the SSS Director Mrs A. Z Sule on receiving the petition jumped for joy at the chance to “nail that useless boy” as she allegedly retorted and had immediately ordered the SSS Armourer and ballistics expert to examine the fire-arm I had returned to the armoury and to check the live ammunition I returned, to confirm if it bore the unique serial number of all SSS ammunition issued to me. He returned a clean report, stating that the barrel of the weapon I returned was rusty and the weapon was not fired within the time I handled it and the ammunition was SSS standard issue.
I was immediately asked to give a written statement of defense and in doing so I summarily mentioned a range of his indiscretions and maintained that his attack was expected, because I have refused to facilitate his wanton abuse of power and this formed my decision to quit the SSS as evident by my September 2003 resignation still pending. I further stated that I shall not provide any documentary evidence apart from citing the Thisday media report of his abuse of power by causing for the detention of a mobile phone seller unless called upon to do so by the SSS head Quarters Abuja, at which stage I would have already taken the fight to a regular court of law. Then again, I was careful to reveal only some aspects of his indiscretions, for obvious reasons.
In relentless pursuit of an indictment, Mrs A.Z Sule ordered a team of SSS operatives to conduct a search at my 1004 estate residential apartment. My house was thoroughly combed electronically and manually for firearms and ammunition and they found nothing.
By the time my written statement arrived the Director Mrs A. Z Sule’s desk, she was reportedly so dumbfounded and bewildered by the absurdity of indiscretions I mentioned in my written statement.
She was still so eager to impress her revered idol Fani-Kayode that she sent a signal to the Apapa Area Command asking them to investigate me over the petition and I was subsequently accompanied to the Area B Command Apapa by an SSS team.
After my written statement, which bore a few lines, stating that the allegations were baseless and fictitious and I denied committing any such crimes, the Area Commander who was just recently posted there, had an interview with the accompanying SSS team and me. In his remark, he said he could not understand how in the first place, the SSS is asking him (the Police) to investigate their own and why a government VIP could allege that his SSS C.S.O extorted from a policeman, and solicited for and illegally procured live ammunition from a policeman and yet it was another policeman who reported all this to him.
He stated that his policemen had given their statements denying any knowledge of what the petitioner Femi Fani-Kayode was talking about and that he found this whole petition absolutely ridiculous. I thanked the man for his candidness and assured him that the attack was expected because I knew too much about the petitioner and I am not the first and will not be the last victim of his persecution. He bade us farewell and we returned to the SSS NHQ Annex Ikoyi, where the Director Mrs A Z Sule was briefed.
Sources within the higher SSS Hierachy at the NHQ Annex Ikoyi, hinted that Mrs A.Z Sule had telephoned Fani-Kayode and probably provided him with a copy of my written statement of defence. Fani-Kayode obviously knew the statement had some other chilling aspects not included, but it was unanimously agreed that it was damaging enough if leaked to the press. Furthermore, my refusal to include any hard documents and citing only the November 10th, 2003 Thisday newspaper report of the phone seller detention, meant I knew it would be suppressed from exposure once in SSS custody. In summary, I was a few steps ahead of Fani-Kayode. This founded why any previous intelligence reports written ON or FOR Fani-Kayode by me, would have been disastrous. Femi Fani-Kayode’s attack had collapsed like a pack of cards, but I knew the storm wasn’t over and was now preparing to confront the SSS who had many tactics of dispensing with an operative.
When riding on a tiger’s back, one must be prepared to end up in its belly. As narrative as my statement of defense to the SSS was, there was still a whopping lot that I deliberately did not mention for obvious reasons.
A few days later, the drama continued and an associate of Femi Fani-Kayode approached me with the following offers:
1. Not to pursue the issue to Abuja or the courts.
2. To prepare to receive a DG SSS National Award for Bravery and Gallantry, a double promotion and a 4 yr automatic study leave for my first degree with full pay should I decide to remain in the SSS.
3. Should I insist on leaving the SSS, collect a N1m (One Million Naira) cash parting gift from Femi Fani-Kayode.
ALL ON THE CONDITION THAT I TURN OVER EVERYTHING I HAD IN BLACK AND WHITE ON FEMI FANI-KAYODE THAT COULD EMBARRASS HIM OR THE GOVERNMENT IN THE FUTURE.
On issue No.1; I reminded his emissary that I was only responding to his attack and even then, had been economical with the scope of my defense.
On issue No.2; I cast my mind back on one memorable occasion where I displayed bravery and gallantry that even amazed me till this very day and told the emissary this story:
I was barely seven (7) months old in the job as an SSS operative when in 2001, I was amongst a Presidential advance party team to Bayelsa state; where-in President Obasanjo was scheduled for a state visit that was steeped in various magnitudes of security threats. I was armed with a pistol, 16 rounds of live ammunition, and a communication device. On the advice of a veteran crack operative, I was also armed with a poison pill to take my own life should I be captured and faced inevitable death by torture. The operational directive during the briefing in our state command by our Head of Operations was that, we were to ascertain the security threats, neutralized them if possible, but if under siege, first ensure a radio communication that the threat is insurmountable, defend self and flee, but NOT BE CAPTURED ALIVE. This was Obasanjo’s first state visit after the 1999 Odi massacre.
I was assigned under two superior SSS officers of the Police equivalent rank of Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) and Superintendent of Police (SP) who incidentally were indigenes of Bayelsa state. The two superior SSS officers refused to disembark from the speedboat to our assigned station in Wilberforce island for fear of being killed. I boldly refused to flee like the two much older men who had about two decades on the job and against the reservation of the COMMANDANT of the SSS operational region covering our assigned station, I headed out alone to the vast land mass of swamp, forest, and desolation, surrounded by an oppressed and impoverished people still wreathing from the pain of the Odi massacre of 1999.
This assignment was one of the first and yet biggest tests of the SSS under Obasanjo as the success of that Presidential visit through a Presidential directive was hinged solely on SSS’s operational leadership and direction. To this effect, the Presidential order superceded rank and para-Military/ force hierarchy and thus in the absence of the two fleeing SSS superior offciers I single handedly assumed tactical command of men of the MOBILE POLICE Mopol squadron 28 Umuahia and men of the 343 Elele Regiment of the Nigerian Army who were deployed there. After a drawing out a full operation order and personally meeting the community leaders, I ensured that the location was set for the Presidential visit within 48 hrs of my arrival there. Simple and subtle diplomacy was all it took to garner the support of the host community towards the presidential visit; as might and brawn would have been offensive and provocative.
The then DG SSS Col Kayode Are (rtd) arrived the site in a helicopter just a few hours before the arrival of the President on the morning of 15th march, 2001. The DG SSS met with me and the other two superior SSS officers who had just returned from hiding, to a completely finished advance party operation.
In his interaction with the three of us, none of the other two senior SSS men had any answers to any of his questions, as they were obviously not on ground to provide any information to the DG SSS. The answers were flowing from the youth amongst their midst, which was me. The DG SSS asked my name and my State Command and was satisfied that everything was under control and boarded the helicopter and took off.
Even when President Obasanjo arrived the site, his security team was amazed at the youth who was entirely responsible for the President’s every move. In fact, the security alert was so heightened that the President would not be allowed to walk on any surface or enter any enclosure unless I did so first, as I virtually led them by the hand.
By the time the visit was done, President Obasanjo was presented with a souvenir pair of construction gloves. We had barely taken a five (5)- meter walk after that presentation when President Obasanjo signaled one of his highly ranked security details to beckon to me. When I approached the Commander-in-Chief, he handed me that souvenir construction glove and smiled. The President and his entourage departed safely and successfully. I couldn’t have been more satisfied with what was accomplished in that visit and this touching yet memorable encounter. This was the second time I was given a pair of gloves as a gift. The first was a 16-ounce boxing glove in 1998 by the young Samuel Peters, who has risen to become the WBC Heavy Weight World Champion and the next, was by the Commander-in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in March, 2003.
As if that was not enough adventure, the two senior SSS operatives immediately commandeered the SSS speed boat and abandoned me in Wilberforce island, as I overheard them discussing the pursuit of some ‘moratorium’ promised them by a chairman of a neighboring local government area. This left me with no option than to navigate through the treacherous creeks by canoe and one-engine ferries, through a ten (10) hour overnight ride (on a journey that took only 2 hours by speed boat from Yenogoa), through different ferries via Ogoubiri, Mein- Oyaikiri, Ammasoma and eventually to Yenogoa; risking a 1 in 3 chances of a boat mishap, which claimed lives on a daily basis and which ended the life of one of the Local Government Chairmen, just days before.
I arrived Yenogoa by day-break of 16th March 2001, just on time to halt the S.O.S signal that was prepared to declare me MISSING IN ACTION. This breath-taking adventure, did not earn me a DG SSS’s national award. After-all, I was doing my job. On what basis was this Femi Fani-Kayode’s engineered DG SSS national award going to be? HIDING HENIOUS CRIMES OBVIOUSLY.
On issue No.3, I declined his generous offer and declared that I was still insistent on leaving the SSS, which had now become more mischievous in a democracy than any preceding Military regime.
I knew I was under constant surveillance and the minute any of those documents left my custody, I was as good as a walking corpse. It would take nothing to be taken out and shot dead at any time by government or civilian assassins’.
I declared to this emissary that all the documents that could embarrass Femi Fani-Kayode in my custody were safely in the grasp of an individual with massive world wide media connections and all the events I witnessed as C.S.O to Femi Fani-kayode were documented from my first day on the job and thus, should I disappear and be incommunicado for any 60-day period, or should I be killed under questionable circumstances, those stories and documents will roll out in the media un-inhibited and I would do my damage from the hollows of the grave. As I re-iterated; this was my “INSURANCE POLICY”
Those documents were my only wild card and this was my chance to send a strong message across to purchase enough time to advance my fight to leave the SSS.
With this attack contained and my discharge not issued, I knew I had been MARKED FOR DEATH and the storm was far from over. Many good people with ears on the ground within top SSS hierarchy had advised me to be very wary of JOINT OPERATIONS WITH OTHER AGENCIES, OR EVEN JOINT OPERATIONS WITH OTHER COMMANDS OF THE SSS and I should feign ailment if need be when such assignments arise and avoid them, as those assignments were the type I would NEVER RETURN ALIVE from. Sure enough, one joint operation in each category with the Police and with another SSS command came between December 2003 and January 2004. I tactfully headed out for field intelligence gathering with my phone and walkie-talkie switched off; long before volunteers could be enlisted from the SSS Command I served in.
This is the point where an operative is pushed to the limit to AWOL (Absent Without Leave) and flee. That in itself is a life sentence where-in you will be branded a TERRORIST, SPY, TREASONABLE FELON, OR DEFECTOR, tried summarily in absentia and probably be executed secretly, whenever you materialized. This was probably SSS’s fear, as I was not allowed to leave Lagos, even when the DG SSS lifted embargos on 2003 annual vacations falling at the end of the year and neither was a casual leave approved for me to see my then ailing father; both of which I was entitled to. The noose was tightening and the rope was getting slim as the clock ticked away. Killing me was too costly, yet what to do with me was still under contemplation as my letter of resignation of 11th September 2003 was still on SSS management’s table.
The threat of extermination when one knows too much and when the powers-that-be have one’s life in their hands is real, but when one is determined to break free as a consequence of refusing to partake in a meal of perfidy, such a fight will lead to freedom; even if it is through a casket. Then again, when an individual is compromised and dines in the putrid dish of shedding innocent blood, the world will hear NOTHING and some secrets will transit to the grave or be whispered on dying beds.
I stayed on, watched my back and continued to seek for a chance to provoke the SSS to expel me from its fold. This chance came in February 2004 when I objected to the kind of treatment meted out on an SSS detainee, which on humanitarian grounds caused me to breach security protocols to buttress my point. This was sacrilege in SSS books but I boldly admitted my actions and gave my reasons.
This gave SSS the grounds to have me investigated at the Lagos NHQ Annex Command level where I was eventually taken to the SSS NHQ Abuja to be incarcerated and given an orderly room trial with the hanging penalty of DISMISSAL. At the SSS NHQ the clock of my incarceration incommunicado had commenced yet the contentious issue was not even my actions concerning an SSS detainee, which was resolved within one week of my incarceration in Abuja, but about Femi Fani-Kayode.
WHAT WENT ON WITH HIM? WHAT WERE MY INTENTIONS? AM I STILL LOYAL TO THE SSS? DO I STILL INTEND TO LEAVE THE SSS?
My incarceration went past the one-month mark and I was bombarded with interviews and interrogations and finally taken up to meet some superior officer, whose task it was to specifically determine my risk-level in respect of Femi Fani-Kayode’s issue.
As this huge man of Northern extract (who introduced himself under a generic cover name) sat behind his desk, with a tape recorder concealed behind his table calendar, asking the above questions, his first line was that he was aware that I had tendered a resignation letter to the SSS and that I intended to leave the SSS of which I acknowledged. He stated that being loyal would mean, bringing in all I had on Femi Fani-Kayode and even undertaking at penalty of criminal liability and imprisonment NEVER to talk about Femi Fani-kayode and as a matter of fact, I should assist the SSS to thwart any media exposure on Femi Fani-Kayode that would be embarrassing to Femi Fani-Kayode and the Presidency by extension.
I told the man (and by extension the SSS), that I could not guarantee that any of the victims of Femi Fani-Kayode’s indiscretions would not go public, and that I do not want to be held responsible over what I had no control over. I insisted that I had done my best in national service and desired to return back to private life and my academic pursuits.
The man now gave me the above offer ‘DG SSS national award-double promotion-4 year automatic study leave with full pay option, which I was already given in the eve of Femi Fani-Kayode’s failed counter-attack at me in Lagos, in December 2003. I wasn’t surprised that this DG SSS NATIONAL AWARD OFFER WAS NOW RESURFACING DIRECTLY FROM A HIGH RANKING SSS PERSONNEL AT ITS NATIONAL HEAD QUARTERS IN ABUJA.
I still declined the offer and maintained that I would be happier and at peace outside the service. The man now asked me to narrate these indiscretions of Femi Fani-Kayode’s and before I got a quarter way into the selected story he fell asleep and I glanced right over his desk and read a full page of his interrogation guideline. Then I realized, that the option of NEVER WALKING OUT OF SSS INCARCERATION ALIVE was real. I waited for the slumbering man to awaken and ask for me to be escorted back to the underground cell where I was incarcerated in.
I played a high stake game with the SSS as I swam through very treacherous waters which started on the first day I was assigned to Femi Fani-Kayode and at this juncture, the SSS figured that my DISMISSAL would destroy my credibility to go public as my untimely or suspicious death could blow the lid on Femi Fani-Kayode’s atrocities which he Femi Fani-Kayode had already obviously told them WAS NOT IN MY CUSTODY AND IN AN ANTICIPATED INSURANCE POLCIY TO WREAK MORE HAVOC SHOULD I BE EXTERMINATED.
This was the lesser of two evils and thankfully better than leaving in a casket. As my incarceration in the SSS national Headquarter’s underground bunker was gradually approaching a two month time line, the SSS eventually took a decision and ended my incarceration with a DISMISSAL; Attached here-in is the DISMISSAL LETTER FROM THE SSS MARKED AS :
The SSS detainee on whose account I saw a perfect opportunity to force my exit from SSS in 2004, eventually gave a newspaper interview of his ordeal with the SSS upon his release from detention. It is not surprising that the Publisher of that newspaper was arraigned on 3-count charges of terrorism in January 2007.
Funny enough, it surprises me that the issue of my superficially controversial exit from the SSS, is yet to be canvassed by Femi Fani-Kayode, who spent well over a year after my exit from SSS, threatening me in Nigeria and gloating over what he claimed was his victory over me and causing for me to be under surveillance until sometime in late 2005. It is obvious that the story of that SSS detainee would eventually re-surface, bringing with it a dust of official high-handedness, from an ‘insider’ perspective at a much more damaging magnitude for the SSS at management level.
It makes one imagine what the value or authenticity of SSS ‘security reports’ under the leadership of Col Kayode Are (rtd) was worth. At best, there is only one aspect of these sordid tales that Mr DG SSS was unaware of and yet, Femi Fani-Kayode was given a clean bill of health on the ‘security report’ that cleared him to be screened for Ministerial appointments which he successfully got; three consecutive times. Even the legislative screening committees, could only come up with flimsy questions about Femi Fani-Kayode’s stay in Ghana in the 90’s and a N15million Naira grant to Femi Fani-Kayode’s office as Special Assistant to the President on Public Affairs from the Nigerian Maritime Authority (NMA). Femi Fani-Kayode explained it away as being collected under ‘due process’ through a consultancy firm. At a later time, I will provide an insight into the origin of Femi Fani-Kayode’s thievery via NMA grants, which no one has bothered to verify the destination of those grant monies, which are also tax payers.
If at the period in question, Femi Fani-Kayode with all his propensities and at personal expense (without control of huge votes and tax payers monies) had solicited me for the murder of Col Abubakar Umar, Mr Ekundayo Asaju of ENCOMIUIM MAGAZINE in Lagos, and Mrs.Oluremi Oyo in Abuja; pray tell, WHAT DID HE DO/NOT DO AS A FEDERAL CABINET MINISTER UNDER OBASANJO, WITH UNLIMITED INFLUENCE OVER SECURITY APPARATUSES AND DIRECT CONTROL OVER BILLIONS OF NAIRA IN TAX PAYERS MONIES?
Dele Giwa, Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola, Suliat Adedeji, Mama Tejuosho, Harry Marshal, Barnabas and Abigail Igwe, Odunnayo Olagbaju, Hassim Olajokun, Aminosari Dikibo, Andrew Ogom, Bola Ige, Olusegun Oladimeji, Funsho Williams, Ayodeji Daramola, Jerry Agbeyegbe and Godwin Agbroko are amongst many other innocent citizens including few honest and brave Policemen and women, law enforcement officials and members of the armed forces who fell to the assassins bullets and brutality.
With Femi Fani-Kayode’s realization of my continued existence, I am certain that ‘rent-a-testimony’ candidates will avail him at many quarters and records would mysteriously start disappearing, particularly the ones in Police custody but the truth is that, there are so many innocent victims of his absurdity who will remain far away from his reach. As sure as a few lowly corruptible few will exist, there are many, who will want nothing short of justice for the irreparable damage he did to them. While people like Femi Fani-Kayode and many government agents alike are quick to blow hot air about suing to “protect their good names”, they have sufficient resources to sue under several international conventions. I delightfully urge and invite them to please make a date with me in any court, anywhere in the world or in Nigeria, where I will eagerly dispatch representatives and legal counsel to accept service and court proceedings in their bids to clear “their good names”.
It is now common knowledge that the Yar’adua administration is in open fraternity with select leaders and members of armed militia groups, in its wobbling effort to stem the Niger Delta upheavals. Why haven’t these so-called Niger-Delta Militants, who have now been accorded statesmen status, told the public how they were used to butcher innocent men and women, law enforcement officers and political figures in a political system that was funded by “do- or -die” political leaders and their blood thirsty surrogates who are still alive and walking the streets today and who have plenty innocent blood on their hands? These exalted political thugs and blood thirsty criminals who have broken every law pertaining to violent crime, enjoy state protection, dine with Aso Rock’s top echelon and hide under the guise of ‘resource control’, ‘Niger Delta struggle’ and are given kid-glove treatment in the Nigerian Judiciary system, courtesy of the Federal Government of Nigeria. Need I add that genuine democrats, who have broken no law and are not associated with violence but hold divergent views about governance and canvass for self-determination and social justice, don’t share the same fate in our Nigeria of today? Late Tony Ene, a Bakassi self-determination activist, becomes vocal and ends up in a most suspicious car-crash, that can only be likened to the Dreaded Lt. Maliya Mungu’s Idi Amin-style car crashes of people that were termed as “Obote men”
The factuality and accuracy of the recent US Government report on Nigeria could not have come at a better time.
Of what use does ‘Mr President’ Yar’adua order re-opening investigation over unsolved assassinations as when there are neither any untainted crime scenes nor forensic evidence to work with? Are we not back into the same worthless cycle of rhetoric?
If ‘Mr President’ Yar’adua sincerely seeks to resolve the countless assassinations that have riddled the land, HE SHOULD ANNOUNCE TO THE WHOLE WORLD WITH A SIGNED AND SEALED PRESIDENTIAL DECLARATION OF AMNESTY AND PROTECTION (the type now given to Sgt Rogers and his co-travelers on Government prosecution witness list) TO ANY, AND ALL WHO WERE ASSASSINS AND WHO INDEED KILLED AND ARE WILLING TO NAME THEIR SPONSORS.
A lot of big names will take flight, and many more will be mentioned. It is from that backdrop, we the public can now know where to direct intense scrutiny, when our security agencies will foot drag and bungle as usual. Or better still, provide a sincere forum where the victim’s families can have some closure and heal the pain of their tragic losses.
Though the Oputa panel came and went, only few revelations surfaced and that is because there are still several loopholes that could be exploited by the criminal and yet powerful sponsors of crime and assassinations, to eliminate the witnesses, who neither had, nor were guaranteed, special Government protection.
If Sgt Barnabas Jabila (aka Sgt Rogers) and his government assassin’ colleagues were in my shoes; Col Abubakar Umah, Mrs. Oluremi Oyo and Ekundayo Asaju (and probably many more innocent citizens) would have long been assassinated without any trace whatsoever.
Finally, for Sgt Rogers and his co-travelers, who have canvassed many warped reasons for their involvements in cold blooded murders and murder attempts, my story is a first hand real life experience of being in the same situation; a highly trained and highly skilled security operative, lured with money and clothed with disposition to state apparatus to be an assassin. Amidst grave dangers, intense persecution and well-calculated risks still stood for morality and conscience.
The metamorphosis of a Nigerian government assassin starts from a security operative with the propensity to kill for rewards or gain and who has no respect for the sanctity of human life. It then transcends to subservience and complicity to a bloodthirsty and power obsessed boss, who feeds on impunity and has the blessing and support of the government and its agencies. Finally, greed and a perfect opportunity, consummates this diabolic evolution. Even amidst this cycle, still lies the exclusive POWER OF CHOICE.
To all the souls of assassinated Nigerians, may you rest in peace and may your killers continue to know no peace. In addition to that list, I will include late Mr Victor John Uguru, a fine Christian, and bank auditor who was investigating a fraud but was slain in cold blood by a hail of assassins’ bullets in Onitsha in April 1998. He was working for the now defunct All States Trust Bank at an Onitsha branch. This young man was amongst many things, the first child of my mother and my brother. May his gentle soul, rest in peace as the struggle to liberate our society from the clutches of an evil clique, continues.
Enobong Umohette was Chief Security Officer to Femi Fani Kayode He can be reached atb(firstname.lastname@example.org)
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